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A conversation with Scott Strazik about NIMBYs, the Inflation Reduction Act, and manufacturing problems.

Last week at Greentown Labs’ startup summit in Boston I interviewed Scott Strazik, CEO of GE Vernova, the energy equipment manufacturing arm of General Electric formerly known as GE Renewables and GE Power.
GE Vernova has been at the forefront of a tech and public relations crisis in the offshore wind sector after one of the blades it constructed for the Vineyard Wind farm collapsed into the Atlantic Ocean. Last week, the company reported it found more issues with blades and recorded $700 million in financial losses from offshore wind contracts largely tied to blade issues.
So naturally, I asked him about this – and NIMBYs, and the Inflation Reduction Act, and also about what gives him hope for the future. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
These days there’s a lot of folks out there who a few years ago were more optimistic than they are today given all kinds of industry trends, policy trends … how would you characterize the pace of the transition right now? Is it speeding up or slowing down?
I actually go into the room today more optimistic than I would’ve been two years ago. I think at the end of the day what we need to think about is, in the electric power system, we need growth to be able to innovate. We’re about to get the most growth that we’ve had – the most load growth in the U.S. – in multiple decades. That actually is an opportunity for us to transform how things work. It’s a lot harder to do that in a flat demand environment, and for the first time in a long time we don’t have that anymore.
So I find it quite interesting when you have conversations about oh my gosh, the hyperscalers need a ton of electricity for data centers, what is this going to do to the energy transition? Hyperscalers, as an example, are amazing customers who care immensely about sustainability. They do need electrons tomorrow but those are electrons they’re committed to decarbonizing over time. So I like our chances now more than I would’ve two years ago.
How has your experience in wind informed your approach to emerging technologies generally?
Well I think in a lot of these cases, this is an all-of-the-above energy technology opportunity for us. We’re going to need a lot of different technologies to solve our challenges and then the real question becomes how do we develop products that can industrialize at scale. And that is really at the heart of the challenge for the wind industry today.
The reality is there’s an incredible amount of innovation with wind. A lot of accelerated larger products. And as they got larger and larger, they got harder and harder to make, and the harder and harder they are to make, the bigger the industry’s quality challenges. And at the end of the day, if we produce products that ultimately don’t work, it doesn’t electrify and decarbonize the world.
When I think about what we do in places like [a startup summit], the technology is the start but it’s also simultaneously saying, is this something we can make at scale?
Do you think we’re not going to be able to manufacture wind at scale?
No, I think we’re definitely going to be able to do it. But I think the industry has gone through such an incredible amount of growth fairly quickly with different product variants that the industry struggled in that regard. The availability of the global install base of wind turbines from an industry perspective has gone down as the growth has gone up. And that’s a bad equation. We need the availability of the product to be working at the same static pace as we plan more and more wind turbines. Do I think we can do that? I think we can. But something I reference a lot is the risk of developing products and businesses on PowerPoint economics versus actual engineering and manufacturing discipline to make sure we can do things right the first time.
I write a newsletter for Heatmap about conflicts in the energy transition – local, state, federal – and I’ve covered conflicts over wind projects, solar projects, battery storage. A trend I’ve seen, especially within first-moving space, is one involving opposition. Because people aren’t familiar with these technologies, it’s easier to scaremonger or get people opposed. I’m wondering, how do you think companies like yourself are doing at handling community engagement and communities’ reception to emerging technologies?
I think what’s critical here is that we all are a catalyst to a conversation. I think the challenge we have sometimes with the energy transition is we actually let the conversation go on for too long.
I actually think the debate is crucial. The debate within communities where there are trades being made – for example, for space or resources — are critical. But the adult conversation is how we converge. Ultimately you need to govern those conversations, make decisions, and go. And today I don’t know if that adult conversation happens fast enough.
For anyone here involved in deployment, are we in a place where people aren’t willing to go? I know at least in some parts of this country, that’s certainly the case. I write about NIMBYs all the time.
Well I think – and again, we need people to be heard, we need communities to be heard – projects do take longer to get done today. That’s a dynamic when you think about industrializing products at scale, a lot of products within the electric power system need to be connected to the zero-carbon power sources that we’re creating. That connection does require new transmission lines to get the electrons to where they’re ultimately needed. That is a long, drawn-out process today in the U.S. It’s longer in our U.S. markets than it is in Europe, it’s longer than it is in Asia. That doesn’t mean the conversation shouldn’t happen, because if a transmission line goes through a community that ultimately isn’t benefiting from that transmission line, we’ve got to solve that problem. But the country needs the transmission lines, because without it we’re not going to decarbonize the electric power system.
In my mind this is less about whether we’re having the debates. It’s more about how do we have them quicker and then make decisions and go.
Given the timetables for developing a transmission line or developing a wind farm, those can be decadal timetables. Next year we’re looking at Congress potentially writing a new tax bill. How bankable is the Inflation Reduction Act in a decadal investment landscape?
Two thoughts on that.
First, it can’t take decades to build a transmission line or a wind farm. I can tell you, as one of the biggest players in the space, it sure as heck doesn’t take that long to physically build them. It takes that long because the conversation takes too long before we push go. That’s the challenge. We can do this much quicker, we just have to do it.
Now, on the Inflation Reduction Act – and there are many elements of the Inflation Reduction Act – I’m certain that with the next administration, regardless of who is in it, they’ll scrutinize all the decisions the last administration made. That’s the beauty of our government. All that said, when it comes to most elements of the Inflation Reduction Act that are tied to creating jobs, manufacturing growth, U.S. competitiveness, energy security – it’s becoming very, very clear that building out and really transforming the electric power system in the U.S. supports all of those priorities. Those are things that both sides of the aisle support.
When I look at the things we’re investing in — and we’re investing heavily into expanding U.S. factories to grow the wind industry, to grow further into serving the transmission and switchgear market — we’re not hesitating one bit because of the bankability risk of our democracy. We think both sides of the aisle are going to support things that are aligned with competitiveness, innovation, jobs, and U.S. national security. And that’s what we’re investing in every day.
So, what gives you hope? You’re certainly brimming with it.
We’re in this every day. We added 29 gigawatts of new power globally last year. Forty-four percent of it was in developing countries. That new 29 gigawatts of power we added to the grid was about 25% cleaner than what the grid is in totality and we see a very clear pathway to add a lot more gigawatts every year, and for it to be even cleaner than what we delivered this year or last year. We know how to do this.
I come into rooms like this and listen to the last 20 minutes of [startup] presentations and I say to myself, okay, we’ve got a lot of young companies that are working on really important stuff. Do they know exactly how to industrialize their product yet at the level that it can make an impact? Maybe not. Do they have the customer reach they’re going to need to accelerate the commercial momentum? Probably not in all cases. Guess what: Those are things Vernova can help with. That’s why we like hanging out in a room like this. There’s a lot of companies that operate in this building every day in which that art of the possible is exciting. There’s a lot of other buildings in the country, in the world, where it’s hard to not have a kick in our step. So this is there for the taking.
I’d rather go at it with that mindset than with the alternative because if I go at it with the alternative, I’ll definitely let down my kids. I’ve got a 12 and 10 year old. They already believe that this is their generation’s greatest challenge. So are we going to take it on with optimism and go after it, or the alternative? And I do think that’s an important point I want to hit on is, something I shared with my broad leadership team: I do think at times, as it relates to energy innovation with climate change and the energy transition, we can lean into conversations with pessimism. And I don’t think that helps our industry.
If I do a compare-contrast with the tech industry on the West Coast, where I’m spending a lot more time now, they’re a lot more optimistic about things they have no idea how to actually make a reality. But the optimism is there. And that optimism can sometimes be half the battle. So are we going to scare everybody? Or are we going to frame up what we know how to do, be honest about what we don’t know how to do, and go after it?
I’ll tell you, any time an oil rig fails, no one is having a conversation about the technology. Is this a public perception problem and a media problem with trade-off denial? Is there some sort of double standard going on in the energy transition space versus fossil fuel space?
I don’t think that is the case. I think we want to hold to the standard the media and the communities are expecting of us. There [are] no trade-offs for safety and quality. And when things don’t work, whether it be a solar farm, a wind turbine, a transformer goes down, I’m not crying in my beer over those communities pushing on whether the industry is good enough.
I think a similar thing happens in the fossil fuel industry when things don’t work, but I don’t want a different bar. I don’t think this is about having a different set of expectations for what we need to deliver. We talk every day about the fact that if this industry is going to thrive, it needs to start every single day with safety and quality at the forefront of what we do. Delivery comes next and that’s where I talk about industrializing things at scale. We don’t really have time for hobbies. These things need to be built at scale. And then the economics need to ultimately work because if the economics don’t work and we push this price to everyone with just exponentially higher electricity prices, that’s not going to work either.
But you can’t start with the economics. You can’t start with whether you can make it at scale. First it has to be safe and it has to be high quality. And I actually think communities, the media, investors holding that bar to every element of the renewables industry is a step in the right direction.
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1. Suffolk County, New York – Rarely do I get to say battery fire fears can be quelched but we have a very good example brewing in the Empire State.
2. Loudon County, Virginia – I can’t believe it: Data Center Alley is going to enact a moratorium.
3. Pulaski County, Arkansas – Entergy has dropped the lawsuit it filed against an Arkansas newspaper over the publication of a power deal with Google.
4. Darlington County, South Carolina – We conclude this week’s Hotspots with a focus on a GOP-leaning county rejecting a renewables moratorium.
A conversation with Sam Lyman of the Bitcoin Policy Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Sam Lyman, head of research at the Bitcoin Policy Institute. Originally focused on cryptocurrency, Lyman’s organization has expanded to policy and messaging development around data centers, most notably providing research many AI boosters cite to claim foreign influence is driving opposition to new hyperscale projects. Last week, the think tank released a new report calling for a novel solution to the data center permitting bottleneck: direct cash payments from data center projects to individuals involved with building them, as well as residents nearby facilities once they’re operating.
I reached out to BPI and asked for a chat with Lyman about the data center dividend proposal. I also tried to get to the bottom of where this increasingly relevant think tank stands on the general idea of a national data center law. The conversation was immensely informative. So here it is, in a lightly abridged and edited format.
Let’s start with the data center dividend proposal. Walk my readers through it.
Data center dividends came from the idea that, ideally in the AI revolution, we want all Americans to benefit. Especially rural Americans. You look at the landscape today, the majority of AI data centers are being built in rural America. It’s critical they’ll benefit from the massive wealth AI will unlock.
There’s lots of ways to make that happen. People point to the jobs AI data centers will build out, for example. But with data center dividends, we take the logic of the Alaska Permanent Fund and we apply it to America’s rural counties, which are sitting on a proverbial gold mine right now but lack any kind of public mechanism allowing them to benefit from that in a maximal way.
If you look at the tax revenue these data centers create, which is astronomical, how do we distribute this tax revenue in a way where it has the most tangible impact on the families living there? We believe data center dividends are the best way to do that – after allocating money for schools, public safety, and infrastructure, it allows these counties with tens of millions of dollars left over to distribute them as they see fit. They should distribute that money to the men and women who make those data centers happen in the first place.
The most effective form of a dividend would take a direct payment: a cash payment, a physical check, a direct deposit. Or the form of credits paying back property taxes, utility bills, an endowment for scholarships. There’s a number of different forms this can take.
Hopefully this gets the conversation going about how we can make these work for everybody.
Who do you want to see set up this dividend mechanism? How’s your approach to implementation?
The report is addressed to county commissioners. I’m thinking of commissioners who represent both sides of the political spectrum facing this huge backlash. Many of them want to do good by their communities and their voters, even if it means doing a data center, in places where it’s difficult to explain right now. Dividends make this indisputably clear.
I tried to put myself in the shoes of an enterprising county commissioner who sees the merits in the data center buildout and wants to break out of the political storm. It’s important to note data centers can be a huge economic boon for communities, in ways that can impact lives positively.
Have any communities – counties, as you noted – taken this idea up yet? Are there any models for this proposal?
The best analogue is West Feliciana, Louisiana, which is the case study we feature. West Feliciana made an agreement with a data center developer where in lieu of taxes, they make direct payments of about $90 million a year to the parish. That triples the community’s tax budget every year. It leaves ample room not only for essential services but dividends afterwards. Louisiana then passed a law – Act 434 – that allowed West Feliciana to remit some of those payments to residents as a tax credit. This bill first provided the opportunity for the parish to even remit those payments as cash, but it was changed in the legislature to make it a credit. That’s the closest we’ve gotten so far.
As far as reaching out to individual counties, we’re a think tank. We put ideas into the universe. We haven’t had anyone reach out to us since the publication of the report so far but we’re hoping they will.
Your report does lay out how there’s a bottleneck in development and this could help with easing it. Do you see an impetus to put ideas like the dividend out there right now, in light of the increased data center scrutiny in this year’s midterms?
Our publication is irrespective of the midterms. But it is tied to the fact that a bottleneck facing the data center buildout includes it becoming a politicized issue. We’re of the belief these projects shouldn't be political at all. One way to break through the noise is by showing how they can benefit those involved in construction and residents who live there. Data centers are critical infrastructure; other forms of critical infrastructure aren’t being politicized. Our efforts are to demonstrate how these shouldn’t be political.
When it comes to the future of AI data center regulation, this proposal is obviously geared towards incentivizing a resolution to the bottleneck through using resources produced from data centers – namely, new investment.
Where does your organization stand on the increased push for environmental or siting regulation on AI data centers?
I’m not familiar with what you might be referring to there.
I mean, there’s all kinds of proposals at the federal level and in states for everything from being required to pay for infrastructure upgrades to being required to use closed-loop cooling to siting restrictions, like temporary moratoria.
What I’m asking is, what else do you as an organization believe when it comes to regulating AI data center development at the federal level? State level?
We believe data centers should work for the communities where they’re being built. That’s important. So the concept of BYOP – Bring Your Own Power – we very much support that idea. We think the Ratepayer Protection Pledge is a great proposal because ultimately we want data centers, with them being critical infrastructure, to not only strengthen our national security but strengthen the communities where they’re being built.
Some states are rejecting data centers. We think that’s a mistake because it's something that’ll ultimately short-change the people who live there. For the states that do decide to build data centers, it's up to them what regulations make data centers more sustainable over time.
There’s increased public discussion for policy on AI development – as an organization, do you see any role in the federal government making policy here with a national data center law?
We think AI will be key to America’s prosperity over the long-term. We have concerns about the regulation of open-source artificial intelligence; bitcoin is a form of open-source software and open-source money. We believe intelligence should be something available to all Americans. That’s our concern with talk about regulating AI right now, it feels like a ploy for regulatory capture.
But what about national policy on AI data centers? Does your think tank support the national legislature doing a federal data center bill or is that something best for localities or states?
It depends on the bill. Are you talking about Sen. Bernie Sanders’ national moratorium?
The administration told a federal court that it has a “new analytical methodology,” hence the continued delays.
A federal judge ruled in early August that the Trump administration’s freeze on vertical height clearances for wind turbines was likely illegal. More than a month later nearly all of the wind energy projects remain on pause, as federal officials add new red tape that industry representatives say runs afoul of the court’s edict.
Let’s catch-up quickly on the American wind sector’s existential dilemma: the federal government has control over airspace higher than 200 feet from the ground and wind farm turbines essentially always enter that sphere of control. For at least a year and a half, the Trump administration through the Department of Defense and the Federal Aviation Administration has slowly gummed up what industry and former government officials have said was once a rote, benign bureaucratic process for ensuring turbine rotation didn’t interfere with flight patterns or radar at nearby airports.
So, Trump is delaying key approvals even for wind projects on private land, a worst-case scenario for the industry during his presidency. With support from their respective trade groups, many project developers sued and in August won a preliminary injunction against this de-facto national wind energy freeze. The court ruling said federal law laid out clear deadlines for completing these airspace reviews and the administration was willfully missing them.
“[In] light of DoD’s review freeze that started a year ago and still has no end in sight, the wind developers would naturally look to the same deadlines for relief,” U.S. District Judge Karin Immergut wrote, stating the administration’s pause violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Immergut also said the Trump administration potentially violated the law by reviewing projects under a new national security “methodology” that was defined by Congress.
But on Thursday, in its first update to the court since the ruling, the Justice Department laid out how essentially all projects remain at a standstill because they were adopting a new kind of comprehensive review process.
The administration claimed that “as a matter of policy” it had “resumed processing wind energy project applications,” but it only described a single instance where a company had heard from the military about moving forward. In addition, that company as well as all others affected by the freeze would still face a “new analytical methodology” for federal agencies reviewing height clearances for all projects, which appears to fly in the face of the ruling. The Justice Department did not provide any more detail about the methodology in its status update to the court.
Nicole Hughes, executive director of lead plaintiff Renewable Northwest, asserted in an interview Tuesday that the agency isn’t complying with the court order. “It appears to me they’re still stalling,” Hughes told me, adding the federal government’s reluctance to proceed is creating “a pretty high risk” for developers of any new wind projects in the United States. She said if nothing changes in the short term, they’re going to “have to go back to the judge and ask for further clarification as to what it means to comply with this order.”
“The lack of compliance by the administration does put into question the credibility [of the courts] and what pieces hold their feet to the fire? What remedies do we have? There’s never been a time an administration flaunts a judge’s orders the way the administration is.”
The Justice Department status update described a multitude of wind energy projects impacted by the freeze. At least 30 projects apparently already signed deals proposed by the military to mitigate radar impacts and were awaiting a counter-signature from the Department of Defense (which Trump calls the Department of War or DoW). Those previous legal agreements are now at risk of being thrown out, according to the Justice Department filing. The new pathway forward for them apparently is: “DoW will either (i) provide a notice that the project presents an unacceptable risk to national security, (ii) re-engage in negotiations with the developer to attempt to ameliorate any unacceptable risks, or (iii) circulate to the project proponent [a] new model mitigation agreement.”
At least 110 projects were in the middle of discussions with the federal government about mitigating airspace impacts when the injunction came down, according to the DOJ filing, which says none of them have heard from officials since the injunction. “As of this filing, developer re-engagements have yet to begin because such discussions need to be informed by the analytical results. Given the number of projects in this category, DoW has been assessing how to resume review and engagement with the developers.”
The DOJ said another 50 projects awaiting initial meetings with the federal government about airspace risk will begin once the administration “finishes with those” 110 projects that were in the middle of the process. That waiting list will also include another at least 40 projects the Justice Department said received “presumed risk” airspace notices from the federal government.
We’ve seen the Trump administration use extralegal means to delay wind energy before, but never to this extent or after a judge ruled against them. The Interior Department had been freezing wind and solar projects on federal lands under a policy requiring Secretary Doug Burgum sign off on routine approvals, but those typical government processes seem like they’ve resumed after a different federal court ruling enjoining that policy.
American Clean Power, the largest utility-scale solar and wind energy trade group, declined to comment. The Department of Defense did not respond to a request for comment.