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A conversation with Scott Strazik about NIMBYs, the Inflation Reduction Act, and manufacturing problems.

Last week at Greentown Labs’ startup summit in Boston I interviewed Scott Strazik, CEO of GE Vernova, the energy equipment manufacturing arm of General Electric formerly known as GE Renewables and GE Power.
GE Vernova has been at the forefront of a tech and public relations crisis in the offshore wind sector after one of the blades it constructed for the Vineyard Wind farm collapsed into the Atlantic Ocean. Last week, the company reported it found more issues with blades and recorded $700 million in financial losses from offshore wind contracts largely tied to blade issues.
So naturally, I asked him about this – and NIMBYs, and the Inflation Reduction Act, and also about what gives him hope for the future. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
These days there’s a lot of folks out there who a few years ago were more optimistic than they are today given all kinds of industry trends, policy trends … how would you characterize the pace of the transition right now? Is it speeding up or slowing down?
I actually go into the room today more optimistic than I would’ve been two years ago. I think at the end of the day what we need to think about is, in the electric power system, we need growth to be able to innovate. We’re about to get the most growth that we’ve had – the most load growth in the U.S. – in multiple decades. That actually is an opportunity for us to transform how things work. It’s a lot harder to do that in a flat demand environment, and for the first time in a long time we don’t have that anymore.
So I find it quite interesting when you have conversations about oh my gosh, the hyperscalers need a ton of electricity for data centers, what is this going to do to the energy transition? Hyperscalers, as an example, are amazing customers who care immensely about sustainability. They do need electrons tomorrow but those are electrons they’re committed to decarbonizing over time. So I like our chances now more than I would’ve two years ago.
How has your experience in wind informed your approach to emerging technologies generally?
Well I think in a lot of these cases, this is an all-of-the-above energy technology opportunity for us. We’re going to need a lot of different technologies to solve our challenges and then the real question becomes how do we develop products that can industrialize at scale. And that is really at the heart of the challenge for the wind industry today.
The reality is there’s an incredible amount of innovation with wind. A lot of accelerated larger products. And as they got larger and larger, they got harder and harder to make, and the harder and harder they are to make, the bigger the industry’s quality challenges. And at the end of the day, if we produce products that ultimately don’t work, it doesn’t electrify and decarbonize the world.
When I think about what we do in places like [a startup summit], the technology is the start but it’s also simultaneously saying, is this something we can make at scale?
Do you think we’re not going to be able to manufacture wind at scale?
No, I think we’re definitely going to be able to do it. But I think the industry has gone through such an incredible amount of growth fairly quickly with different product variants that the industry struggled in that regard. The availability of the global install base of wind turbines from an industry perspective has gone down as the growth has gone up. And that’s a bad equation. We need the availability of the product to be working at the same static pace as we plan more and more wind turbines. Do I think we can do that? I think we can. But something I reference a lot is the risk of developing products and businesses on PowerPoint economics versus actual engineering and manufacturing discipline to make sure we can do things right the first time.
I write a newsletter for Heatmap about conflicts in the energy transition – local, state, federal – and I’ve covered conflicts over wind projects, solar projects, battery storage. A trend I’ve seen, especially within first-moving space, is one involving opposition. Because people aren’t familiar with these technologies, it’s easier to scaremonger or get people opposed. I’m wondering, how do you think companies like yourself are doing at handling community engagement and communities’ reception to emerging technologies?
I think what’s critical here is that we all are a catalyst to a conversation. I think the challenge we have sometimes with the energy transition is we actually let the conversation go on for too long.
I actually think the debate is crucial. The debate within communities where there are trades being made – for example, for space or resources — are critical. But the adult conversation is how we converge. Ultimately you need to govern those conversations, make decisions, and go. And today I don’t know if that adult conversation happens fast enough.
For anyone here involved in deployment, are we in a place where people aren’t willing to go? I know at least in some parts of this country, that’s certainly the case. I write about NIMBYs all the time.
Well I think – and again, we need people to be heard, we need communities to be heard – projects do take longer to get done today. That’s a dynamic when you think about industrializing products at scale, a lot of products within the electric power system need to be connected to the zero-carbon power sources that we’re creating. That connection does require new transmission lines to get the electrons to where they’re ultimately needed. That is a long, drawn-out process today in the U.S. It’s longer in our U.S. markets than it is in Europe, it’s longer than it is in Asia. That doesn’t mean the conversation shouldn’t happen, because if a transmission line goes through a community that ultimately isn’t benefiting from that transmission line, we’ve got to solve that problem. But the country needs the transmission lines, because without it we’re not going to decarbonize the electric power system.
In my mind this is less about whether we’re having the debates. It’s more about how do we have them quicker and then make decisions and go.
Given the timetables for developing a transmission line or developing a wind farm, those can be decadal timetables. Next year we’re looking at Congress potentially writing a new tax bill. How bankable is the Inflation Reduction Act in a decadal investment landscape?
Two thoughts on that.
First, it can’t take decades to build a transmission line or a wind farm. I can tell you, as one of the biggest players in the space, it sure as heck doesn’t take that long to physically build them. It takes that long because the conversation takes too long before we push go. That’s the challenge. We can do this much quicker, we just have to do it.
Now, on the Inflation Reduction Act – and there are many elements of the Inflation Reduction Act – I’m certain that with the next administration, regardless of who is in it, they’ll scrutinize all the decisions the last administration made. That’s the beauty of our government. All that said, when it comes to most elements of the Inflation Reduction Act that are tied to creating jobs, manufacturing growth, U.S. competitiveness, energy security – it’s becoming very, very clear that building out and really transforming the electric power system in the U.S. supports all of those priorities. Those are things that both sides of the aisle support.
When I look at the things we’re investing in — and we’re investing heavily into expanding U.S. factories to grow the wind industry, to grow further into serving the transmission and switchgear market — we’re not hesitating one bit because of the bankability risk of our democracy. We think both sides of the aisle are going to support things that are aligned with competitiveness, innovation, jobs, and U.S. national security. And that’s what we’re investing in every day.
So, what gives you hope? You’re certainly brimming with it.
We’re in this every day. We added 29 gigawatts of new power globally last year. Forty-four percent of it was in developing countries. That new 29 gigawatts of power we added to the grid was about 25% cleaner than what the grid is in totality and we see a very clear pathway to add a lot more gigawatts every year, and for it to be even cleaner than what we delivered this year or last year. We know how to do this.
I come into rooms like this and listen to the last 20 minutes of [startup] presentations and I say to myself, okay, we’ve got a lot of young companies that are working on really important stuff. Do they know exactly how to industrialize their product yet at the level that it can make an impact? Maybe not. Do they have the customer reach they’re going to need to accelerate the commercial momentum? Probably not in all cases. Guess what: Those are things Vernova can help with. That’s why we like hanging out in a room like this. There’s a lot of companies that operate in this building every day in which that art of the possible is exciting. There’s a lot of other buildings in the country, in the world, where it’s hard to not have a kick in our step. So this is there for the taking.
I’d rather go at it with that mindset than with the alternative because if I go at it with the alternative, I’ll definitely let down my kids. I’ve got a 12 and 10 year old. They already believe that this is their generation’s greatest challenge. So are we going to take it on with optimism and go after it, or the alternative? And I do think that’s an important point I want to hit on is, something I shared with my broad leadership team: I do think at times, as it relates to energy innovation with climate change and the energy transition, we can lean into conversations with pessimism. And I don’t think that helps our industry.
If I do a compare-contrast with the tech industry on the West Coast, where I’m spending a lot more time now, they’re a lot more optimistic about things they have no idea how to actually make a reality. But the optimism is there. And that optimism can sometimes be half the battle. So are we going to scare everybody? Or are we going to frame up what we know how to do, be honest about what we don’t know how to do, and go after it?
I’ll tell you, any time an oil rig fails, no one is having a conversation about the technology. Is this a public perception problem and a media problem with trade-off denial? Is there some sort of double standard going on in the energy transition space versus fossil fuel space?
I don’t think that is the case. I think we want to hold to the standard the media and the communities are expecting of us. There [are] no trade-offs for safety and quality. And when things don’t work, whether it be a solar farm, a wind turbine, a transformer goes down, I’m not crying in my beer over those communities pushing on whether the industry is good enough.
I think a similar thing happens in the fossil fuel industry when things don’t work, but I don’t want a different bar. I don’t think this is about having a different set of expectations for what we need to deliver. We talk every day about the fact that if this industry is going to thrive, it needs to start every single day with safety and quality at the forefront of what we do. Delivery comes next and that’s where I talk about industrializing things at scale. We don’t really have time for hobbies. These things need to be built at scale. And then the economics need to ultimately work because if the economics don’t work and we push this price to everyone with just exponentially higher electricity prices, that’s not going to work either.
But you can’t start with the economics. You can’t start with whether you can make it at scale. First it has to be safe and it has to be high quality. And I actually think communities, the media, investors holding that bar to every element of the renewables industry is a step in the right direction.
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This week’s conversation is with Duncan Campbell of DER Task Force and it’s about a big question: What makes a socially responsible data center? Campbell’s expansive background and recent focus on this issue made me take note when he recently asked that question on X. Instead of popping up in his replies, I asked him to join me here in The Fight. So shall we get started?
Oh, as always, the following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Alright let’s start with the big question: What is a socially responsible data center?
So first, there’s water, which I think is pretty solvable.
Part of me thinks water is not even the right thing to be focusing on necessarily, and it’s surprising that it became at least for a while the center of the controversy around data centers.
I think there’s energy, which is mostly a don’t-raise-people’s-bills kind of thing. Or in extreme cases, actually reducing people’s access to energy.”
I think air pollution is another key. This is one of the biggest own-goals our [climate] space is making, because people are installing behind-the-meter power and we can talk about why they’re doing that, the shifting reasons, but the real shame in it is you really shouldn’t have to run those 24/7. If you’re building your own power plant, it should enable you to get a grid connection, because you’re bringing your own capacity and they can provide you firm service, and you should only have to run that gas plant 1% of the year, so air pollution is a non-issue. If only the grid and its institutions could get their act together, this is a no-brainer. But instead people run them 24/7.
There’s noise, which has been very misunderstood and bungled on a handful of well-known projects. That’s just a do-good engineering and site layout type of problem.
And then there’s other. Beyond the very concrete impacts of a data center, what else can it do for the community it's siting itself in? That’s going to be specific for every community.
There’s going to be a perspective that data centers are takers. They get tax incentives. They’re this big new thing. If data centers were to bring something compelling when [they’re] siting in communities, and it is specific to whatever they’re dealing with, maybe they’d be considered socially responsible.
I don’t think I have the master answer here. Everyone’s trying to figure it out.”
What do you hear from other folks in decarb and climate spaces when you ask this question? Do you hear people come up with solutions, or do they knock down the entire premise of the question — that there isn’t such a thing as a socially responsible data center?
You get both. You definitely get both. It depends on who you're talking to.
I can understand both sides of the equation here. There’s definitely solutions, first of all. I do think there’s a group of people whether it is in the energy world or the data center world or tech who would have this incredulous disbelief that anyone could not want what they’re doing. And that then, after being poked and prodded enough, transforms into a very elitist, almost pejorative explanation of everybody’s just NIMBYs.
I think that’s really unproductive. It kind of just throws gas on the fire.
But there’s a lot of people working on solutions, too. The non-firm grid service thing is just a huge opportunity. To be able to connect these sites to the grid in such a manner they either get curtailed some small amount of hours per year or they show up with accredited capacity, absolving them from curtailing. I mean, we can do that. It’s very doable.
The second question becomes, what are the forms of accredited capacity that can be deployed quickly? I think that’s where there’s a lot of cool stuff around VPPs and such. Sure, build a gas power plant, run it once or twice a year. If anything that’s good for a community — back-up power at grid scale.
There’s also other solutions. A really cool effort right now, former Tesla people building a purely solar and battery DC microgrid in New Mexico.
And there’s also a lot of inertia. The folks making decisions about data centers have been doing stuff a certain way for 20 years and it’s hard to change. The inertia within the culture combined with the enormous pressure to deploy just makes it less dynamic than one would hope.
On my end, I’ve been grappling with the issue of tax revenue. We’re seeing a declining amount of money for social services, things that can really help people for both personal and academic reasons. There's quite a bit a lot of people could say on that topic. At the same time, this is another form of industrial development. People are upset at the amount of resources going to this specific thing.
So when it comes to the data center boom in general, where do you stand on social cost-versus-benefit analysis?
That’s a good question. I’m not an expert. I’m mostly just someone who designs energy projects. But I can say where I’m at personally.
Yeah, but isn’t everyone in the energy space talking about data centers? Shouldn’t we all be thinking about this?
Of course. I’m not in a place to proclaim what is right but I’ll tell you where I’m at right now.
With any large-scale industrial build out it is tough relative to other technological changes that were simpler at the infrastructure layer. Like, the smartphone. Massive technological change but pretty straightforward in a lot of ways. But industrial buildout stresses real physical resources, so people have much more of an opinion of whether it’s worth it or not.
I’m pretty optimistic about AI generally. It’s very hand-wave-y. It’s hard to cite data or anything, because we’re talking about something that hasn’t happened yet, but I’m very optimistic about increasing the amount of intelligence we have access to per person on Earth.
A similar thing I think about is when everyone stopped getting lead poisoning all the time, we all jumped five IQ points and killed each other less. Intelligence is good. A lot of our story as a species is about increasing intelligence and learnings-per-person so we can do more. The idea that we would be able to synthesize it, operate it as a machine outside of our own bodies. It feels pretty inevitable.
There’s questions about what that [AI] will do to the economy and jobs, which is what people are really concerned about and is the case with any major technological change.
Are data centers being deployed at a rate and in a way that is responsible? Like, does it need to be this fast? That’s a question people ask and that’s in a way the question being posed by the moratoriums. They’re not saying let’s ban this forever. They’re saying, let’s take a breather. And I do understand that.
There’s a lot of good solutions that could just be pursued and it’s hard for me to separate my feelings about the current path data centers are taking from what I think is objectively right. We could just be doing way better.
On the energy front, what do you make of the way our energy mix — carbon versus renewables, our resilience — is headed? And where do you think we’re heading in five years?
For the energy and climate world, this is the real question. Data centers are a complicated thing but at the end of the day, for us, they’re a source of electricity demand.
From an electricity perspective, there’s been no growth for 20 years. So the theory of addressing climate change was, as the old stuff breaks we’ll replace it with new clean stuff. That was what we were doing, while saying, a lot of the old stuff we’ll keep around. We’ll layer on the new clean stuff.
It was always the case though that we could enter a new phase of electricity growth. Actually, five years ago, when the phrase “electrify everything” was coined, it explicitly became our goal! We were going to massively and rapidly grow the electricity system in order to switch industry, heating, and transport off of fossil fuels. That’s the right prescription, the right way to do it.
My understanding of it is that while this feels really big, because we haven’t grown in so long, compared to the challenge we were all talking about doing is not big at all. It increases the challenge by 15% or 20%. That’s meaningful. But it just seems like we should be able to do this.
From a climate perspective, as someone who’s been trying to do everything I can on it for a while now, I can’t help but feel a little dismayed that today the growth we’re experiencing is some tiny, tiny percentage of what we actually set out to do. And it’s causing chaos. We’re institutionally falling apart from a single percent of what our goals should be.
This is the time for the electrification case. We can all demonstrate this is possible over the next few years. I think confidence in the electricity system as our energy path can remain high. Or this utterly fails, where it’s really hard to imagine governments and businesses making any sincere attempt at a high electrification pathway.
Plus the week’s biggest development fights.
1. LaPorte County, Indiana — If you’re wondering where data centers are still being embraced in the U.S., look no further than the northwest Indiana city of LaPorte.
2. Cumberland County, New Jersey — A broader splashback against AI infrastructure is building in South Jersey.
3. Washington County, Oregon — Hillsboro, a data center hub in Oregon, is turning to a moratorium.
4. Champaign County, Ohio — We’re still watching the slow downfall of solar in Ohio and there’s no sign of it getting any better.
5. Essex County, New York — Man oh man, what’s going on with battery storage in rural pockets of the Empire State?
Mounting evidence shows that Republican voters are rapidly turning against artificial intelligence.
The data center backlash is causing a crisis of faith amongst American conservatives over land use, energy abundance, and corporate regulation. The Republican Party — not to mention the politics of AI infrastructure — may never be the same.
In the last week, I’ve seen a surge of Republican politicians pushing to temporarily ban data centers in conservative states. In South Carolina, Representative Nancy Mace, a leading GOP gubernatorial primary candidate, called for a statewide moratorium on new data centers. In Texas, the sitting agriculture commissioner Sid Miller proposed the same for the Lone Star State. Ditto in North Dakota where the idea got backing from a GOP primary candidate for a Public Service Commission seat.
I also witnessed a wave of anti-data center sentiment bursting forth online over the last few weeks. Major figures in the online right like Matt Walsh and Tucker Carlson have been posting videos lambasting the pace and practices of the data center boom, joined by a flood of commentary on YouTube and conservative video platforms like Rumble. On X and Facebook, the right has split into factions with figures like Marjorie Taylor Greene siding with activists while other pundits and personalities play data center defense, mocking critics as misinformed and antithetical to free market conservatism.
“Right now, frankly, anti-AI politics, anti-data center politics, that’s working for some people in some campaigns,” right-wing pundit Scott Jennings said Wednesday on his Salem News Channel show in a discussion with Republican Senator Dave McCormick of Pennsylvania, one of the biggest AI boosters in Congress.
Conservative and GOP-aligned political and policy advisers told me all of this ruckus is a lagging indicator for genuine anger amongst their voters. “It’s a collision between the Republicans’ traditional pro-business identity and a new populist identity,” Chris Wilson, CEO of political data firm EyesOver, told me in an interview Wednesday. “The old Republican consensus would’ve been pretty straightforward. The challenge is you have this emerging Republican electorate asking who owns this? Who is consuming it? Who is it going to benefit?” Wilson previously founded GOP polling firm WPA Intelligence.
It’s all in the data, pun intended. On Friday, GOP pollster Frank Luntz posted about this anxiety over data center development spreading to “regions led by both Democrats and Republicans.” Luntz pointed to a new Gallup poll confirming a trendline we reported in February using Heatmap Pro data: Opposition to data centers in GOP areas rose more than 300% over the previous six months.
Other recent data points make it obvious Trump Country is turning against data centers, such as in New Jersey, where a Stockton University poll found nearly half of Republican voters would support a data center ban “in the town where they live.” Meanwhile, new analysis out of Houston University in Texas found roughly 45% of Republicans in that city’s metro area would oppose a data center within a mile of their home.
Let’s be honest, here — those are approaching offshore wind-levels of abysmal support.
“The fact the polling has changed so negatively so quickly has shown there is very real concern, very real worry about what these data centers are doing and how they affect a region,” said Will Reinhart, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Reinhart admitted that with the way winds are blowing, there may be a “very real” possibility that a major 2028 Republican candidate for president supports a national data center moratorium. The fact Florida Governor and 2024 candidate Ron DeSantis has been so critical of data center development “is a bellwether.”
“I would imagine there’s going to be more support for [moratoria], especially as energy prices are going to continue to rise. To me it feels like this is coming. What this portends for a larger electorate is you’ll have a push and pull. You’ll have some regions that want to see development and know they can benefit from a data center. Some regions are going to say no, we don’t want this.”
This level of profound opposition threatens to disrupt what was once Republican political consensus behind land use policy and energy development. Plainly, even once catnip for the GOP like a fossil-friendly permitting approach could face political hurdles in the future if Republican voters don’t want pipelines to power the largest driver of new energy demand.
Perhaps it’s understandable then why so many figures on the Right are coming to defend data centers. The leading counterargument? Data center opponents are agitators armed with misinformation and backed by foreign governments trying to undermine American dominance in artificial intelligence. Pro-AI advocates are seizing on the idea, as is Shark Tank magnate Kevin O’Leary (with lackluster results). Conservative energy pundits in D.C. are asking GOP lawmakers to investigate whether foreign funding is playing a role in the backlash. It’s even endorsed by Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, who said last week at a conference in Alaska that some of the opposition was funded by “foreign-sourced dark money.”
“I worry about us on the Build Baby Build where we’re still running into this thing where there are some states that are literally passing bans on AI data centers,” Burgum said, “and it’s not organic and local.”
When it comes to swaying skeptical members of the public, blaming outsiders for local conflicts over energy and tech infrastructure development is unlikely to work. The past is very much prologue here; some Republicans have long argued — with scant evidence — that foreign adversaries and wealthy Europeans are quietly puppeteering the American environmental movement. But we’ve never seen the national discourse ever pick up the topic, really. Meanwhile, we all know this strategy never really worked when defending solar farms from opposition in rural areas.
Republican energy politics strategist Chris Johnson told me that ironically, the solar and wind fights of recent years laid the groundwork for openness to conspiracies about technology as well as “muscle memory built for NIMBYism, to fight against anything.”
“There has to be this much more empathetic effort to meet people where they’re at,” Johnson said, adding he believes the conflicts over solar and farmland became an example of a “mistake” that wound up undermining other GOP priorities.
“The overemphasis on solar’s land use and the imagery of farmland being taken by solar panels like a scene out of Blade Runner, that is not helpful when you’re now seeing an environment with such tremendous growth in energy demand,” he told me. “I think it was a mistake for folks on the right to go so hard against some technologies we clearly need right now.”
All this being said, all hope is not lost for the right-coded AI and data center optimists out there.
David Blackmon, a longtime lobbyist for oil and gas based in Texas who writes about energy for The Daily Caller, told me how this backlash reminded him of the fracking boom of the 2010s. Perhaps famously to those in oil and gas, scares about water and air pollution from fracking were plentiful throughout that era, typified by the film Gasland — specifically a viral segment from the film involving flammable water from a faucet. The fracking boom ran through rural and often conservative-leaning towns and counties, and Blackmon remembers companies were “pretty close to losing our license to operate” in major parts of the shale patch “because of the ham-handed way we handled communications and public outreach.”
“This pretense that all the opposition to their projects is somehow bussed in from other places, or amounts to astroturf, is the down-playing of real, valid public concerns that are raised related to their projects,” he said. “The data center industry, at least in a few high profile cases, has really made a mess of things. It’s a lack of understanding of the industry. The case hasn’t been effectively made at a national level, or a local level. Why is this big industrial complex being plopped down?”
Blackmon and many others in conservative political circles believe the pathway to regenerating support for data centers rests in effectively communicating local benefits. The Rainey Center, another right-leaning D.C. organization, shared new polling with me that shows educating voters about policies like President Trump’s Ratepayer Protection Pledge makes them overall more likely to support AI data centers. “The public isn’t opposed to data centers, they’re opposed to paying for them on their power bill,” Hunt told me. “The industry’s social license is being written right now.”
This is also how some Republican AI and data center optimists in Congress seem to think.
Speaking with Scott Jennings on his show Wednesday, Dave McCormick expressed his belief data centers can be “economic engines.” But he, too, stressed that data center developers should fulfill a “covenant” with the communities hosting them.
“When these data centers come to town, they need to bring more energy than they use. So they should lower energy prices, not raise them. They need to have water recycled so it’s a closed-loop system. They need to make commitments on what they’re going to bring to the tax base. They need to promise to use local workers. I think if that covenant is in place most communities are going to opt in,” McCormick said. “But there’s a lot of disinformation, a lot of lies out there about it. And frankly the Chinese are behind a lot of it, Scott. ”
So where does this leave us? I believe we’ll see more Republican-led counties, states, and congressional offices back restrictions of some kind on data centers, as well as new rules and regulations on the burgeoning sector’s energy and water impacts. Whether the GOP’s traditionally business-friendly orthodoxy is permanently fissured by the data center backlash is yet to be determined. But we might be about to see a Republican race to a populist top on this issue — or bottom, depending on where you’re sitting.
“If they’re just pro data centers, that’s a problem,” Wilson, the GOP pollster, told me. “If they’re pro-AI, that idea is still politically safe, and it’s safer than being anti-growth or anti-technology. You don’t want to be perceived that way as a Republican.” Republican voters will still be supportive of AI competitiveness, beating China, domestic infrastructure, and lower energy bills, he said. But they’ll be skeptical of taxpayer subsidies for data centers, straining on energy and water supplies, secrecy around data center deals, or use of eminent domain.
“Vulnerabilty emerges when support for data centers is perceived as support for big corporate interests over local control,” Wilson concluded.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct Wilson’s title.