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On emissions observations, speedy DOE deals, and biochar
Current conditions: Parts of North Dakota could feel wind chills of minus 50 degrees Fahrenheit in the coming days • A fire at the world’s largest battery storage plant prompted evacuations and health warnings in California’s Monterey County • It is warm and sunny in Doha, where negotiators signed a ceasfire deal between Israel and Hamas.
Data from one of the longest-running and most reputable carbon dioxide observatories in the world suggests that atmospheric levels of the greenhouse gas increased at a record rate in 2024. The Mauna Loa observatory in Hawaii has been tracking atmospheric CO2 since 1958, and is “a good guide to rise in global average CO2 concentration,” according to the UK’s Met Office. Mauna Loa’s measurements show that between 2023 and 2024, CO2 concentrations rose by about 3.6 parts per million, the largest annual increase on record, meaning that not only are CO2 emissions still rising, but they’re rising faster than ever. This growth is not compatible with any pathways to limiting global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius set out by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
Annual CO2 concentrations and forecasts in PPM. The Keeling Curve and Met Office
Long-term CO2 concentrations dating back 2,000 years.The Keeling Curve and Met Office
“The actual CO2 rise of 3.58ppm was even faster than expected,” a group of climate researchers from the Met Office wrote for Carbon Brief. They speculate that the loss of natural carbon sinks – especially through wildfires and their resulting emissions – may explain the leap. Last year was the warmest on record, and the first calendar year to see temperatures rise above the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold. It was also a record year for wildfires in the Americas.
The Department of Energy’s Loan Programs Office yesterday closed on a $6.57 billion loan to Rivian, less than two months after announcing the conditional loan. The money will help finance Project Horizon, a 9 million square foot EV manufacturing plant in Georgia, where Rivian plans to make some 400,000 mass market EVs per year, starting with its R2 and R3 models. It will support 2,000 full-time construction jobs and 7,500 operations jobs through 2030. “At full capacity, the EVs manufactured at the facility are expected to yield an annual fuel consumption savings of approximately 146 million gallons of petroleum,” the DOE said. The administration also closed a $1.66 billion loan for New York-based Plug Power to build six hydrogen plants. The LPO will likely come under scrutiny by the incoming Trump administration. In more Rivian news, Volkswagen is reportedly exploring ways to “deepen” its existing partnership with the carmaker.
The Department of Energy was busy yesterday. On top of the aforementioned financing deals, the LPO also offered $22.92 billion in conditional loans to eight electric utilities to help them make upgrades to boost clean power generation, storage, and transmission, as well as replacing leaky gas lines. The projects span 12 states and would serve nearly 15 million customers. The New York Times noted that this is “one of the biggest commitments ever made” by the LPO. With just three days left before Trump takes office, the loans still need to be finalized. But DOE sources told the Times that the loans are legally binding and difficult to revoke.
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Confirmation hearings for Donald Trump’s energy and environment appointees continued yesterday, with Lee Zeldin and Doug Burgum appearing before the Senate for their nominations as Environmental Protection Agency administrator and secretary of the Interior. For many in the renewables space, Burgum’s hearing offered little in the way of reassurances. He referenced concerns about the “baseload” of the grid more than 15 times during the hearing, primarily as a way to oppose the buildout of renewable energy. Burgum also touted “clean coal” (not so clean) as a pathway to decarbonizing, defended Trump’s skepticism of wind power, and dodged questions seeking reassurance about his commitment to protecting federal lands. EPA nominee Zeldin, meanwhile, said he believes climate change is real and conceded that carbon dioxide traps heat, but defended Trump’s denialism on the issue. He said he wants to make the EPA more efficient and transparent, and indicated that industry perspectives on environmental rules and enforcement actions will likely receive a kinder ear from the agency under his leadership.
In case you missed it: Google gave biochar a boost yesterday when it announced it will buy 200,000 tons of carbon removal credits by 2030 from two firms, Indian company Varaha and startup Charm Industrial. As Heatmap’s Katie Brigham has reported, biochar is made by heating up biomass such as wood or plants in a low-oxygen environment via a process called pyrolysis, thereby sequestering up to 40% to 50% of the carbon contained within that organic matter for hundreds or even thousands of years. Varaha will generate biochar from an invasive plant; Charm will use biomass from forest management. Biochar is a “cheap, nature-based method” of carbon removal, Brigham says, and it’s been getting attention from corporate buyers. The Google partnerships are “the largest biochar carbon removal deals to date,” and aim to help the nascent industry scale.
“This isn’t a fiscal blip.”
–Democratic Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, former chair of the Senate Budget Committee, warns of an “accelerated collapse” in insurance markets due to climate disasters.
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New York City may very well be the epicenter of this particular fight.
It’s official: the Moss Landing battery fire has galvanized a gigantic pipeline of opposition to energy storage systems across the country.
As I’ve chronicled extensively throughout this year, Moss Landing was a technological outlier that used outdated battery technology. But the January incident played into existing fears and anxieties across the U.S. about the dangers of large battery fires generally, latent from years of e-scooters and cellphones ablaze from faulty lithium-ion tech. Concerned residents fighting projects in their backyards have successfully seized upon the fact that there’s no known way to quickly extinguish big fires at energy storage sites, and are winning particularly in wildfire-prone areas.
How successful was Moss Landing at enlivening opponents of energy storage? Since the California disaster six months ago, more than 6 gigawatts of BESS has received opposition from activists explicitly tying their campaigns to the incident, Heatmap Pro® researcher Charlie Clynes told me in an interview earlier this month.
Matt Eisenson of Columbia University’s Sabin Center for Climate Law agreed that there’s been a spike in opposition, telling me that we are currently seeing “more instances of opposition to battery storage than we have in past years.” And while Eisenson said he couldn’t speak to the impacts of the fire specifically on that rise, he acknowledged that the disaster set “a harmful precedent” at the same time “battery storage is becoming much more present.”
“The type of fire that occurred there is unlikely to occur with modern technology, but the Moss Landing example [now] tends to come up across the country,” Eisenson said.
Some of the fresh opposition is in rural agricultural communities such as Grundy County, Illinois, which just banned energy storage systems indefinitely “until the science is settled.” But the most crucial place to watch seems to be New York City, for two reasons: One, it’s where a lot of energy storage is being developed all at once; and two, it has a hyper-saturated media market where criticism can receive more national media attention than it would in other parts of the country.
Someone who’s felt this pressure firsthand is Nick Lombardi, senior vice president of project development for battery storage company NineDot Energy. NineDot and other battery storage developers had spent years laying the groundwork in New York City to build out the energy storage necessary for the city to meet its net-zero climate goals. More recently they’ve faced crowds of protestors against a battery storage facility in Queens, and in Staten Island endured hecklers at public meetings.
“We’ve been developing projects in New York City for a few years now, and for a long time we didn’t run into opposition to our projects or really any sort of meaningful negative coverage in the press. All of that really changed about six months ago,” Lombardi said.
The battery storage developer insists that opposition to the technology is not popular and represents a fringe group. Lombardi told me that the company has more than 50 battery storage sites in development across New York City, and only faced “durable opposition” at “three or four sites.” The company also told me it has yet to receive the kind of email complaint flood that would demonstrate widespread opposition.
This is visible in the politicians who’ve picked up the anti-BESS mantle: GOP mayoral candidate Curtis Sliwa’s become a champion for the cause, but mayor Eric Adams’ “City of Yes” campaign itself would provide for the construction of these facilities. (While Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani has not focused on BESS, it’s quite unlikely the climate hawkish democratic socialist would try to derail these projects.)
Lombardi told me he now views Moss Landing as a “catalyst” for opposition in the NYC metro area. “Suddenly there’s national headlines about what’s happening,” he told me. “There were incidents in the past that were in the news, but Moss Landing was headline news for a while, and that combined with the fact people knew it was happening in their city combined to create a new level of awareness.”
He added that six months after the blaze, it feels like developers in the city have a better handle on the situation. “We’ve spent a lot of time in reaction to that to make sure we’re organized and making sure we’re in contact with elected officials, community officials, [and] coordinated with utilities,” Lombardi said.
And more on the biggest conflicts around renewable energy projects in Kentucky, Ohio, and Maryland.
1. St. Croix County, Wisconsin - Solar opponents in this county see themselves as the front line in the fight over Trump’s “Big Beautiful” law and its repeal of Inflation Reduction Act tax credits.
2. Barren County, Kentucky - How much wood could a Wood Duck solar farm chuck if it didn’t get approved in the first place? We may be about to find out.
3. Iberia Parish, Louisiana - Another potential proxy battle over IRA tax credits is going down in Louisiana, where residents are calling to extend a solar moratorium that is about to expire so projects can’t start construction.
4. Baltimore County, Maryland – The fight over a transmission line in Maryland could have lasting impacts for renewable energy across the country.
5. Worcester County, Maryland – Elsewhere in Maryland, the MarWin offshore wind project appears to have landed in the crosshairs of Trump’s Environmental Protection Agency.
6. Clark County, Ohio - Consider me wishing Invenergy good luck getting a new solar farm permitted in Ohio.
7. Searcy County, Arkansas - An anti-wind state legislator has gone and posted a slide deck that RWE provided to county officials, ginning up fresh uproar against potential wind development.
Talking local development moratoria with Heatmap’s own Charlie Clynes.
This week’s conversation is special: I chatted with Charlie Clynes, Heatmap Pro®’s very own in-house researcher. Charlie just released a herculean project tracking all of the nation’s county-level moratoria and restrictive ordinances attacking renewable energy. The conclusion? Essentially a fifth of the country is now either closed off to solar and wind entirely or much harder to build. I decided to chat with him about the work so you could hear about why it’s an important report you should most definitely read.
The following chat was lightly edited for clarity. Let’s dive in.
Tell me about the project you embarked on here.
Heatmap’s research team set out last June to call every county in the United States that had zoning authority, and we asked them if they’ve passed ordinances to restrict renewable energy, or if they have renewable energy projects in their communities that have been opposed. There’s specific criteria we’ve used to determine if an ordinance is restrictive, but by and large, it’s pretty easy to tell once a county sends you an ordinance if it is going to restrict development or not.
The vast majority of counties responded, and this has been a process that’s allowed us to gather an extraordinary amount of data about whether counties have been restricting wind, solar and other renewables. The topline conclusion is that restrictions are much worse than previously accounted for. I mean, 605 counties now have some type of restriction on renewable energy — setbacks that make it really hard to build wind or solar, moratoriums that outright ban wind and solar. Then there’s 182 municipality laws where counties don’t have zoning jurisdiction.
We’re seeing this pretty much everywhere throughout the country. No place is safe except for states who put in laws preventing jurisdictions from passing restrictions — and even then, renewable energy companies are facing uphill battles in getting to a point in the process where the state will step in and overrule a county restriction. It’s bad.
Getting into the nitty-gritty, what has changed in the past few years? We’ve known these numbers were increasing, but what do you think accounts for the status we’re in now?
One is we’re seeing a high number of renewables coming into communities. But I think attitudes started changing too, especially in places that have been fairly saturated with renewable energy like Virginia, where solar’s been a presence for more than a decade now. There have been enough projects where people have bad experiences that color their opinion of the industry as a whole.
There’s also a few narratives that have taken shape. One is this idea solar is eating up prime farmland, or that it’ll erode the rural character of that area. Another big one is the environment, especially with wind on bird deaths, even though the number of birds killed by wind sounds big until you compare it to other sources.
There are so many developers and so many projects in so many places of the world that there are examples where either something goes wrong with a project or a developer doesn’t follow best practices. I think those have a lot more staying power in the public perception of renewable energy than the many successful projects that go without a hiccup and don’t bother people.
Are people saying no outright to renewable energy? Or is this saying yes with some form of reasonable restrictions?
It depends on where you look and how much solar there is in a community.
One thing I’ve seen in Virginia, for example, is counties setting caps on the total acreage solar can occupy, and those will be only 20 acres above the solar already built, so it’s effectively blocking solar. In places that are more sparsely populated, you tend to see restrictive setbacks that have the effect of outright banning wind — mile-long setbacks are often insurmountable for developers. Or there’ll be regulations to constrict the scale of a project quite a bit but don’t ban the technologies outright.
What in your research gives you hope?
States that have administrations determined to build out renewables have started to override these local restrictions: Michigan, Illinois, Washington, California, a few others. This is almost certainly going to have an impact.
I think the other thing is there are places in red states that have had very good experiences with renewable energy by and large. Texas, despite having the most wind generation in the nation, has not seen nearly as much opposition to wind, solar, and battery storage. It’s owing to the fact people in Texas generally are inclined to support energy projects in general and have seen wind and solar bring money into these small communities that otherwise wouldn’t get a lot of attention.