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On emissions observations, speedy DOE deals, and biochar
Current conditions: Parts of North Dakota could feel wind chills of minus 50 degrees Fahrenheit in the coming days • A fire at the world’s largest battery storage plant prompted evacuations and health warnings in California’s Monterey County • It is warm and sunny in Doha, where negotiators signed a ceasfire deal between Israel and Hamas.
Data from one of the longest-running and most reputable carbon dioxide observatories in the world suggests that atmospheric levels of the greenhouse gas increased at a record rate in 2024. The Mauna Loa observatory in Hawaii has been tracking atmospheric CO2 since 1958, and is “a good guide to rise in global average CO2 concentration,” according to the UK’s Met Office. Mauna Loa’s measurements show that between 2023 and 2024, CO2 concentrations rose by about 3.6 parts per million, the largest annual increase on record, meaning that not only are CO2 emissions still rising, but they’re rising faster than ever. This growth is not compatible with any pathways to limiting global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius set out by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
Annual CO2 concentrations and forecasts in PPM. The Keeling Curve and Met Office
Long-term CO2 concentrations dating back 2,000 years.The Keeling Curve and Met Office
“The actual CO2 rise of 3.58ppm was even faster than expected,” a group of climate researchers from the Met Office wrote for Carbon Brief. They speculate that the loss of natural carbon sinks – especially through wildfires and their resulting emissions – may explain the leap. Last year was the warmest on record, and the first calendar year to see temperatures rise above the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold. It was also a record year for wildfires in the Americas.
The Department of Energy’s Loan Programs Office yesterday closed on a $6.57 billion loan to Rivian, less than two months after announcing the conditional loan. The money will help finance Project Horizon, a 9 million square foot EV manufacturing plant in Georgia, where Rivian plans to make some 400,000 mass market EVs per year, starting with its R2 and R3 models. It will support 2,000 full-time construction jobs and 7,500 operations jobs through 2030. “At full capacity, the EVs manufactured at the facility are expected to yield an annual fuel consumption savings of approximately 146 million gallons of petroleum,” the DOE said. The administration also closed a $1.66 billion loan for New York-based Plug Power to build six hydrogen plants. The LPO will likely come under scrutiny by the incoming Trump administration. In more Rivian news, Volkswagen is reportedly exploring ways to “deepen” its existing partnership with the carmaker.
The Department of Energy was busy yesterday. On top of the aforementioned financing deals, the LPO also offered $22.92 billion in conditional loans to eight electric utilities to help them make upgrades to boost clean power generation, storage, and transmission, as well as replacing leaky gas lines. The projects span 12 states and would serve nearly 15 million customers. The New York Times noted that this is “one of the biggest commitments ever made” by the LPO. With just three days left before Trump takes office, the loans still need to be finalized. But DOE sources told the Times that the loans are legally binding and difficult to revoke.
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Confirmation hearings for Donald Trump’s energy and environment appointees continued yesterday, with Lee Zeldin and Doug Burgum appearing before the Senate for their nominations as Environmental Protection Agency administrator and secretary of the Interior. For many in the renewables space, Burgum’s hearing offered little in the way of reassurances. He referenced concerns about the “baseload” of the grid more than 15 times during the hearing, primarily as a way to oppose the buildout of renewable energy. Burgum also touted “clean coal” (not so clean) as a pathway to decarbonizing, defended Trump’s skepticism of wind power, and dodged questions seeking reassurance about his commitment to protecting federal lands. EPA nominee Zeldin, meanwhile, said he believes climate change is real and conceded that carbon dioxide traps heat, but defended Trump’s denialism on the issue. He said he wants to make the EPA more efficient and transparent, and indicated that industry perspectives on environmental rules and enforcement actions will likely receive a kinder ear from the agency under his leadership.
In case you missed it: Google gave biochar a boost yesterday when it announced it will buy 200,000 tons of carbon removal credits by 2030 from two firms, Indian company Varaha and startup Charm Industrial. As Heatmap’s Katie Brigham has reported, biochar is made by heating up biomass such as wood or plants in a low-oxygen environment via a process called pyrolysis, thereby sequestering up to 40% to 50% of the carbon contained within that organic matter for hundreds or even thousands of years. Varaha will generate biochar from an invasive plant; Charm will use biomass from forest management. Biochar is a “cheap, nature-based method” of carbon removal, Brigham says, and it’s been getting attention from corporate buyers. The Google partnerships are “the largest biochar carbon removal deals to date,” and aim to help the nascent industry scale.
“This isn’t a fiscal blip.”
–Democratic Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, former chair of the Senate Budget Committee, warns of an “accelerated collapse” in insurance markets due to climate disasters.
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A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.
Long Islanders, meanwhile, are showing up in support of offshore wind, and more in this week’s edition of The Fight.
Local renewables restrictions are on the rise in the Hawkeye State – and it might have something to do with carbon pipelines.
Iowa’s known as a renewables growth area, producing more wind energy than any other state and offering ample acreage for utility-scale solar development. This has happened despite the fact that Iowa, like Ohio, is home to many large agricultural facilities – a trait that has often fomented conflict over specific projects. Iowa has defied this logic in part because the state was very early to renewables, enacting a state portfolio standard in 1983, signed into law by a Republican governor.
But something else is now on the rise: Counties are passing anti-renewables moratoria and ordinances restricting solar and wind energy development. We analyzed Heatmap Pro data on local laws and found a rise in local restrictions starting in 2021, leading to nearly 20 of the state’s 99 counties – about one fifth – having some form of restrictive ordinance on solar, wind or battery storage.
What is sparking this hostility? Some of it might be counties following the partisan trend, as renewable energy has struggled in hyper-conservative spots in the U.S. But it may also have to do with an outsized focus on land use rights and energy development that emerged from the conflict over carbon pipelines, which has intensified opposition to any usage of eminent domain for energy development.
The central node of this tension is the Summit Carbon Solutions CO2 pipeline. As we explained in a previous edition of The Fight, the carbon transportation network would cross five states, and has galvanized rural opposition against it. Last November, I predicted the Summit pipeline would have an easier time under Trump because of his circle’s support for oil and gas, as well as the placement of former North Dakota Governor Doug Burgum as interior secretary, as Burgum was a major Summit supporter.
Admittedly, this prediction has turned out to be incorrect – but it had nothing to do with Trump. Instead, Summit is now stalled because grassroots opposition to the pipeline quickly mobilized to pressure regulators in states the pipeline is proposed to traverse. They’re aiming to deny the company permits and lobbying state legislatures to pass bills banning the use of eminent domain for carbon pipelines. One of those states is South Dakota, where the governor last month signed an eminent domain ban for CO2 pipelines. On Thursday, South Dakota regulators denied key permits for the pipeline for the third time in a row.
Another place where the Summit opposition is working furiously: Iowa, where opposition to the CO2 pipeline network is so intense that it became an issue in the 2020 presidential primary. Regulators in the state have been more willing to greenlight permits for the project, but grassroots activists have pressured many counties into some form of opposition.
The same counties with CO2 pipeline moratoria have enacted bans or land use restrictions on developing various forms of renewables, too. Like Kossuth County, which passed a resolution decrying the use of eminent domain to construct the Summit pipeline – and then three months later enacted a moratorium on utility-scale solar.
I asked Jessica Manzour, a conservation program associate with Sierra Club fighting the Summit pipeline, about this phenomenon earlier this week. She told me that some counties are opposing CO2 pipelines and then suddenly tacking on or pivoting to renewables next. In other cases, counties with a burgeoning opposition to renewables take up the pipeline cause, too. In either case, this general frustration with energy companies developing large plots of land is kicking up dust in places that previously may have had a much lower opposition risk.
“We painted a roadmap with this Summit fight,” said Jess Manzour, a campaigner with Sierra Club involved in organizing opposition to the pipeline at the grassroots level, who said zealous anti-renewables activists and officials are in some cases lumping these items together under a broad umbrella. ”I don’t know if it’s the people pushing for these ordinances, rather than people taking advantage of the situation.”