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Uncertainty about Congress and the Trump administration has investors a little shook.

The Inflation Reduction Act’s fate will soon be decided by a Republican-controlled Congress, and the market the law built up to fund its signature clean energy markets is on edge, even if there’s still brisk business being done.
Before the IRA, to claim a clean energy tax credit essentially required having an actual investment interest in a project. One of the biggest changes of Biden’s climate law, however, was to make those tax credits transferable, meaning that if a developer itself didn’t have a large tax liability, it could transfer — i.e. sell — those credits to someone who did. This fed what quickly became a thriving market connecting developers and owners of clean energy projects with tax equity investors who buy the credits to reduce their own tax bills.
Much of the clean energy business relies on this structure to fund its activities. So when the investment bank Jefferies issued a note late last week on the residential solar company Sunnova — whose share price is down over 80% in the past year and 70% since the 2024 presidential election — arguing that the tax equity market as a whole had “tightened,” and that it expected Sunnova to post below-expectations earnings due to the “increasingly tightening tax equity market that we believe has constrained NOVA’s ability to raise tax equity financing in the near term,” the market reacted. The company’s shares dropped around 7% on Friday, and are down about a fifth since close of trading on Thursday.
The note wasn’t just a ding against Sunnova, though. It also raised a red flag for the tax credit market as a whole. “Our industry conversations increasingly suggest a tightening in the market as usual tax credit buyers/investors pause on transacting in response to growing uncertainty on anything IRA related under the new Trump administration," the Jefferies analysts wrote in the note. “We perceive traditional buyers/investors have moved to the sideline and are awaiting clarity from the Trump administration, resulting in a slow-down in the tax equity capital markets.”
On Monday, the Jefferies analysts appeared to rollback their assertion. “Investors disagreed and referenced a strong/robust market, thereby prompting questions of whether constrained tax equity capital is limited to NOVA or if it's a broader market issue after all. We note that we have not heard any issues with raising tax equity from [Sunrun, the country’s largest residential solar company],” they wrote. “We appreciate [that the] market is intact.”
A Sunnova spokesperson declined to comment on the Jefferies commentary, citing the “quiet period” before the company announces earnings in early March.
Based on market data and conversations with market participants, the industry also seems to see an “intact” market, though perhaps one with weakness or holes in specific sectors (such as residential solar), even if sources I talked to didn’t want to speculate specifically about any one company.
Research by the tax credit marketplace Crux shows that there were $30 billion worth of tax equity deals in 2024, $6 billion of which included some kind of forward commitment — either agreeing to purchase future investment tax credits or a portion of production tax credits that accrue over time.
“With the presence of a forward commitment, it is much easier for the seller, the developer, to procure financing at lower costs because they have a commitment for the tax credit,” Alfred Johnson, the co-founder of Crux, explained to me. “So that is lowering the cost of capital for projects that will be delivered sometime far in the future.”
Johnson told me that these forward commitments were a “really positive dynamic” for areas like geothermal and nuclear, which “require a lot of future investment.”
“It does suggest that people are taking a multi-year view of the importance and viability of the [transferability] program,” Johnson said.
And if there are major changes to the IRA’s tax credit regime — whether Congress decides to scrap it entirely or restrict it to forms of power generation more favored by Republicans and the Trump administration, such as geothermal and nuclear — Johnson notes that “Congress has rarely, if ever, made a retroactive change with an adverse impact to the taxpayer.”
“I think the fact that buyers are engaging quite actively in the market across credit types is indicative of the view that they believe that the market will remain viable and important for this year and for near future years,” Johnson added.
But just because changes to the IRA may not affect current deals doesn’t mean that the industry isn’t nervous. “Grandfathering is a longstanding practice that we expect to continue,” Jack Cargas, head of originations on the tax equity desk at Bank of America, said on a podcast hosted by the law firm Norton Rose Fulbright. “We are cognizant that neither Republicans nor Democrats are going to act in a way that jeopardizes their constituents’ interests or livelihoods, however we expect a slowdown in financing for projects on which construction starts in 2025 until it is clearer what Congress will do.”
There may also be questions about projects that start this year.
“I have not actually seen any deals derailed over change of law concerns, but also everything I'm working on at the moment began construction before the end of the year,” David Burton, a partner at Norton Rose Fulbright, told me.
Burton said his clients are focused on getting deals started and done so that they can be “grandfathered” into any changes of the tax credit system. “We are counseling sponsor clients to begin construction under the tax rules as soon as they can,” Burton said.
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PJM is back open for business, but the new generation applying to interconnect is primarily natural gas.
America’s largest electricity market is looking at hooking up new power generation again, and a lot of it is natural gas.
PJM stopped evaluating new generation in 2022, when the backlog of projects awaiting interconnection studies stood at 2,664, of which 1,972 — representing 107 gigawatts, about two-thirds of the total — were renewables.
“They’ve been spending these past four years working through the backlog, studying everything that’s in there, and that process is up,” Jon Gordon, senior director at Advanced Energy United, told me.
The electricity market announced last August that applications for the first cycle of interconnection studies under a new, reformed process would be due this week. Some 811 projects with a combined capacity of 220 gigawatts made the Monday deadline, PJM said Wednesday. This time around, the mix looks a little different.
While solar, storage, and solar-and-storage projects make up more than half the queue by number (536 in total), by capacity, nearly half is natural gas, with 106 gigawatts out of around 220 gigawatts total.
For years, some of the strongest advocates of interconnection queue reform at PJM have been advocates for renewables. With the wait for interconnection stretching up to eight years, solar and wind projects in particular found themselves in trouble. Even as the cost of solar had been dropping dramatically, higher inflation and higher interest rates following the COVID pandemic and Russian invasion of Ukraine made developing renewables more expensive — and that was before Donald Trump regained the White House and declared war on clean energy.
Since 2020, PJM said in a March blog post, 103 gigawatts of interconnection agreements resulted in just 23 gigawatts of new generation being added to the grid. Three-quarters of projects that PJM studied withdrew from the process at some point before sending power to the grid.
PJM spent the past four years reviewing old projects and developing a process designed to get interconnection service agreements done in two years at most. The round of projects submitted up through this week will not be evaluated on the “first-come, first-served” model that had bedeviled the previous system. Instead, PJM has adopted a “first-ready, first-served approach,” which the organization says will mean “prioritizing projects that are more advanced and better positioned to move forward.”
The reformed queue couldn’t come soon enough. Over the past four years, PJM has become desperate for more power to serve exploding data center demand and help alleviate high prices.
Since 2020, electricity prices in PJM have risen almost 50%, from 12.6 cents per kilowatt-hour to 18.7 cents per kilowatt-hour, according to data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub. Typical electricity bills have risen from around $128 a month to about $161.
“Current projections show a potential capacity shortfall of 50 GW to 60 GW in the next decade, primarily driven by large load growth,” PJM said last month. For reference, a gigawatt is enough to power a city of around 800,000 homes. PJM’s existing installed capacity is around 180 gigawatts.
When I asked Gordon about the large presence of natural gas in the new queue, he pointed to data centers, which “have become a massive sea change to the whole landscape of energy.” That goes especially for the scale of planned facilities, such as a planned 1.4-gigawatt data center campus on a 700-acre footprint in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania.
“Now they're talking gigawatt-size data centers that would require, potentially, an enormous natural gas plant — maybe more than one,” Gordon said. Getting the requisite financing and permitting for renewable and storage resources to power such a large-scale project would be “enormously challenging,” he added. Meanwhile, “natural gas has risen to the fore here, and it’s getting a lot of tailwind from the Trump administration.”
(Something else eagle-eyed readers may have spotted in the numbers on new planned projects: their average size is much bigger than those in the queue as of 2022. The new batch comes in at an average size of nearly 272 megawatts each, compared to around 60 megawatts for the old one. That holds especially for solar, storage, and solar-plus-storage projects, which clock in at nearly 198 megawatts on average, compared to just 54 in 2022.)
Earlier this year, governors of states in the PJM region, led by Pennsylvania’s Josh Shapiro, and the White House agreed on a $15 billion special auction for procuring new generation in PJM. That came after PJM’s most recent capacity auction — in which generators bid to be compensated for their ability to stay on the grid in times of need — failed to meet even PJM’s preferred reliability margin.
Pressure continued to mount on the electricity market following the capacity auction, as federal regulators took it to task for its failure to get more generation online. Two weeks ago, PJM put some meat on the bones of the White House agreement by proposing a two-stage process, whereby power customers would directly contract for new generation with power supplies starting in September and PJM would facilitate an auction for whatever was still necessary to meet its capacity increase goals by March of next year.
The plan met a cool reception in Washington, where Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Chair Laura Swett said she was “a bit perplexed” by the PJM proposal, adding it didn’t meet the timeline set out by the White House and the PJM governors to hold an auction this year
While PJM may be able to reform its own processes or come up with special procurements, there’s still the same old issues that have bedeviled energy buildouts everywhere.
Projects that have already been approved are facing “hurdles such as state permitting and supply chain backlogs,” PJM said Wednesday.
That being said, renewables and storage can still benefit from an improved interconnection process, Gordon told me. “Renewables would have always benefited, and still will benefit from improved interconnection,” Gordon told me. That’s largely because renewable projects tend to be smaller on a per-project basis than gas, let alone nuclear, and are more plentiful in number, and therefore stand to benefit disproportionately from faster reviews.
The real tragedy, Gordon said, is that more renewables couldn’t come online when the political and economic winds were blowing in their favor. Projects that were submitted to the queue before its closure in 2022 were “probably very economic back then,” he told me. “They died on the vine as they waited in the queue.”
Current conditions: The Gulf Coast states are bracing for a series of midweek thunderstorms • Temperatures are rocketing up near 100 degrees Fahrenheit in Lahore, Pakistan • San Juan, Puerto Rico, is facing days of severe thunderstorms.
Compass Datacenters is quitting a yearslong bid to build a key part of a 2,100-acre data center corridor in northern Virginia amid mounting pushback from neighbors, marking one of the highest profile examples yet of political opposition killing off a major server farm. The company, backed by the private equity giant Brookfield Asset Management, has gunned for Prince William County’s approval to turn more than 800 acres into a portion of the data center buildout. But after spending tens of millions of dollars on the effort, the firm decided that political resistance to providing tax breaks had created what Bloomberg described Wednesday as “too many roadblocks,” prompting a withdrawal.
The data center backlash, as Heatmap’s Jael Holzman wrote in the fall, is “swallowing American politics.” Polling from Heatmap Pro has shown that public resentment toward server farms they perceive as driving up electricity bills, sucking up too much water, or supporting software that threatens human jobs is rapidly growing. Data centers, as Jael wrote last week, are now more controversial than wind farms.
Nuclear startups taking part in the Department of Energy’s reactor pilot program are approaching the agency’s July 4 deadline to split their first atoms, and companies are making deals left and right for new projects. But just four firms have so far secured commercial offtakers, announced project-specific financing, and locked down contracts with suppliers and construction partners. That’s according to new data from a report by the policy advocate Third Way, shared exclusively with me for this newsletter. TerraPower’s nuclear project in Kemmerer, Wyoming, which broke ground this month, is in the lead, with the most advanced application before the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Amazon-backed X-energy has two projects that have achieved all three preliminary milestones. Holtec International’s small modular reactor project in Michigan and GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s debut unit at the Tennessee Valley Authority — each of which recently received $400 million in federal funding, as I previously reported — are close behind.
Among the report’s other takeaways: Federal policy is “too often rewarding hype instead of commercialization readiness,” and the U.S. needs to winnow down the technologies on offer.
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The Federal Emergency Management Agency has officially entered what CBS News called “a financial danger zone” that threatens to limit spending to only the most urgent life-saving needs. The status, called Imminent Needs Funding, is triggered when FEMA’s Disaster Relief Fund drops below $3 billion. The depletion is a symptom of the partial government shutdown of FEMA’s parent agency, the Department of Homeland Security, whose funding has become hotly political over the hardline actions by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. But the timing couldn’t be worse: Hurricane season is about a month away. “Disasters are unpredictable. They’re very costly. We don’t know what could happen between now and June 1,” FEMA Associate Administrator Victoria Barton told the network.
This was all predictable. Back in February, Heatmap’s Jeva Lange warned that the DHS shutdown would “starve local disaster response.”
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The U.S. is racing to get new nuclear projects off the ground. But it’s not yet clear where all the new reactor fuel is going to come from, especially once federal law fully bans all imports of Russian uranium in 2028. A new uranium mining project has started up operations this week in Wyoming’s Shirley Basin. The reactivated mine was previously considered the birthplace of in-situ recovery mining, a more eco-friendly method of extraction that involves injecting a solution into rock that dissolves minerals, then pumping that fluid to the surface for collection. The developer, Ur-Energy, said it’s returning to operations to power at least the next nine years of uranium demand in the U.S.
The milestone at the uranium mine comes as global mining deals reached a new high in the first three months of this year. Global law firm White & Case LLP recorded 121 mergers and acquisitions in the sector in the first quarter, up from 117 a year earlier and 102 in 2024, according to Mining.com. It’s the strongest first quarter since 2023. “The math is unforgiving,” the Breakthrough Institute’s Seaver Wang and Peter Cook wrote in an Ideas essay for Heatmap this week. “We need more minerals, and we need them soon.”

Another week, another new full-scale nuclear reactor has come online in China. On Wednesday, World Nuclear News reported that Unit 1 of the San’ao nuclear station in eastern Zhejiang province has entered commercial operation. The reactor is the first of six Hualong One reactors planned for the site. The Hualong One is China’s leading indigenous reactor design, borrowing heavily from the Chinese version of the Westinghouse AP1000, America’s leading reactor.
South Africa, meanwhile, is making a bid to lure engineers working abroad to come home to help the country build up its own nuclear sector once again. The plan, detailed by Semafor, “aims to attract skilled migrants and South African expatriates, especially those working in the United Arab Emirates,” which hired large numbers of local engineers during the buildout of the Gulf nation’s debut Barakah nuclear plant over the past decade.
Even before China made a big gamble in recent months on green hydrogen to ease the effects of the Iran War’s hydrocarbon shock, the country’s electrolyzer manufacturers were already starting to dominate the industry. Now the first Chinese electrolyzer manufactured in Europe is due to be assembled in the coming weeks. RCT GH Hydrogen, a joint venture between the Jiangsu-based electrolyzer maker Guofu and the German technology company RCT Group, is on track to roll out its first unit in June, Hydrogen Insight reported Wednesday.
Representatives Jared Huffman and Jamie Raskin announced an investigation into the $1 billion offshore wind deal with the Trump administration.
Two House Democrats are going after TotalEnergies after the company ignored an earlier request to defend its $1 billion settlement with the Trump administration to walk away from offshore wind.
Jared Huffman, the ranking member of the House Natural Resources Committee from California, and Jamie Raskin, the ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee from Maryland, sent a letter on Wednesday informing Total’s CEO Patrick Pouyanné that they have opened a formal investigation into the company.
“We’re going to get every document, every email, every last receipt on this deal, and every person who had a hand in this is going to answer for it,” Huffman said in a press release. “What I have to say to TotalEnergies is this: Consider yourself on notice, we’re coming for you.”
The move comes just a day after the Trump administration announced two additional identical settlements resulting in the cancellation of two more offshore wind leases.
The letter states that Total’s March 23 settlement with the Interior Department was unlawful in “at least four separate ways.” It demands that Total preserve all records related to the deal and requests that it put the $928 million it was granted by the settlement into escrow until the investigation concludes.
Huffman and Raskin first reached out to the Interior Department and Total on April 6 requesting documents and communications between the two parties related to the deal by April 20. Neither party obliged. Shortly before the deadline, however, the Interior Department published the settlement agreements it signed with Total. The settlements “confirm and surpass our worst fears of what has taken place,” the two representatives wrote on Wednesday.
The settlements state that the agency would have ordered Total to suspend operations on the leases due to national security issues. This “appears to have been a fabricated justification for canceling the leases,” the letter says, citing a discrepancy between when the settlements suggest that the company had reached an agreement with the Trump administration — November 18 — and when the earliest reports of anyone reviewing the national security concerns occurred — November 26.
“That timeline raises the troubling possibility that the national security assessment was not merely pretextual, but also that TotalEnergies may have negotiated the final settlement agreement with full knowledge that the rationale for canceling the leases was false,” Huffman and Raskin write. The fact that Pouyanné has stated publicly multiple times that the company came to the Interior Department with the idea for the settlement supports that conclusion, they add.
Putting the timeline of national security concerns aside, the settlement disregards the law governing offshore wind leases, Huffman and Raskin argue. The Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act says that when the government cancels a lease that does not yet have an operating project on it, the company is entitled to the “fair value” of the lease at the date of cancellation. The nearly $1 billion figure — which is the amount the company paid for the two leases in 2022 — is “almost certainly a significant overpayment even under the most favorable reading of the statute,” the lawmakers write.
The letter also questions the use of the Department of Justice’s Judgment Fund, a reserve of public money set aside to pay for agency settlements. On one hand, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum recently characterized the payment as a “refund” in testimony before Congress — a type of payment that the Judgment Fund is not authorized to make. On the other hand, even if it was technically a settlement, it doesn’t meet the Judgement Fund’s standard of “a genuine contested dispute over liability or amount,” Huffman and Raskin write. The Interior Department never issued a stop work order to Total. Neither of the company’s projects had even started construction yet.
If the settlement is allowed to go through, the lawmakers warn, any future U.S. administration could repeat the formula to enact their own agenda. “The only requirements would be a hypothetical threat, a side agreement, and a check drawn from a permanent, uncapped federal account that Congress never authorized for this purpose,” they write.
Lastly, Huffman and Raskin accuse the Trump administration and Total of sticking an unlawful clause in the settlements that declare the agreements “not judicially reviewable.” They assert that only Congress has the power to restrict judicial review. Their letter declares that the provision “accomplishes nothing legally,” and characterizes it as evidence that the parties knew the deal would not survive scrutiny.
In addition to preserving records and putting the funds in escrow, the letter to Total again demands a list of documents related to the deal, providing a new deadline of May 13. We’ll see if the company feels compelled to comply. Huffman and Raskin would need the support of the full House to find Total in contempt of Congress, and it’s not clear they would have the numbers.