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Uncertainty about Congress and the Trump administration has investors a little shook.

The Inflation Reduction Act’s fate will soon be decided by a Republican-controlled Congress, and the market the law built up to fund its signature clean energy markets is on edge, even if there’s still brisk business being done.
Before the IRA, to claim a clean energy tax credit essentially required having an actual investment interest in a project. One of the biggest changes of Biden’s climate law, however, was to make those tax credits transferable, meaning that if a developer itself didn’t have a large tax liability, it could transfer — i.e. sell — those credits to someone who did. This fed what quickly became a thriving market connecting developers and owners of clean energy projects with tax equity investors who buy the credits to reduce their own tax bills.
Much of the clean energy business relies on this structure to fund its activities. So when the investment bank Jefferies issued a note late last week on the residential solar company Sunnova — whose share price is down over 80% in the past year and 70% since the 2024 presidential election — arguing that the tax equity market as a whole had “tightened,” and that it expected Sunnova to post below-expectations earnings due to the “increasingly tightening tax equity market that we believe has constrained NOVA’s ability to raise tax equity financing in the near term,” the market reacted. The company’s shares dropped around 7% on Friday, and are down about a fifth since close of trading on Thursday.
The note wasn’t just a ding against Sunnova, though. It also raised a red flag for the tax credit market as a whole. “Our industry conversations increasingly suggest a tightening in the market as usual tax credit buyers/investors pause on transacting in response to growing uncertainty on anything IRA related under the new Trump administration," the Jefferies analysts wrote in the note. “We perceive traditional buyers/investors have moved to the sideline and are awaiting clarity from the Trump administration, resulting in a slow-down in the tax equity capital markets.”
On Monday, the Jefferies analysts appeared to rollback their assertion. “Investors disagreed and referenced a strong/robust market, thereby prompting questions of whether constrained tax equity capital is limited to NOVA or if it's a broader market issue after all. We note that we have not heard any issues with raising tax equity from [Sunrun, the country’s largest residential solar company],” they wrote. “We appreciate [that the] market is intact.”
A Sunnova spokesperson declined to comment on the Jefferies commentary, citing the “quiet period” before the company announces earnings in early March.
Based on market data and conversations with market participants, the industry also seems to see an “intact” market, though perhaps one with weakness or holes in specific sectors (such as residential solar), even if sources I talked to didn’t want to speculate specifically about any one company.
Research by the tax credit marketplace Crux shows that there were $30 billion worth of tax equity deals in 2024, $6 billion of which included some kind of forward commitment — either agreeing to purchase future investment tax credits or a portion of production tax credits that accrue over time.
“With the presence of a forward commitment, it is much easier for the seller, the developer, to procure financing at lower costs because they have a commitment for the tax credit,” Alfred Johnson, the co-founder of Crux, explained to me. “So that is lowering the cost of capital for projects that will be delivered sometime far in the future.”
Johnson told me that these forward commitments were a “really positive dynamic” for areas like geothermal and nuclear, which “require a lot of future investment.”
“It does suggest that people are taking a multi-year view of the importance and viability of the [transferability] program,” Johnson said.
And if there are major changes to the IRA’s tax credit regime — whether Congress decides to scrap it entirely or restrict it to forms of power generation more favored by Republicans and the Trump administration, such as geothermal and nuclear — Johnson notes that “Congress has rarely, if ever, made a retroactive change with an adverse impact to the taxpayer.”
“I think the fact that buyers are engaging quite actively in the market across credit types is indicative of the view that they believe that the market will remain viable and important for this year and for near future years,” Johnson added.
But just because changes to the IRA may not affect current deals doesn’t mean that the industry isn’t nervous. “Grandfathering is a longstanding practice that we expect to continue,” Jack Cargas, head of originations on the tax equity desk at Bank of America, said on a podcast hosted by the law firm Norton Rose Fulbright. “We are cognizant that neither Republicans nor Democrats are going to act in a way that jeopardizes their constituents’ interests or livelihoods, however we expect a slowdown in financing for projects on which construction starts in 2025 until it is clearer what Congress will do.”
There may also be questions about projects that start this year.
“I have not actually seen any deals derailed over change of law concerns, but also everything I'm working on at the moment began construction before the end of the year,” David Burton, a partner at Norton Rose Fulbright, told me.
Burton said his clients are focused on getting deals started and done so that they can be “grandfathered” into any changes of the tax credit system. “We are counseling sponsor clients to begin construction under the tax rules as soon as they can,” Burton said.
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.