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After taking something like center stage the past few years, climate slid down the agenda at the 2024 summit.

Whatever’s on the official agenda at Davos, a.k.a. the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, there’s always one item missing: Davos itself. As much as we love talking about what happens there, we love talking about what Davos means much, much more.
Unfortunately for anyone living on planet Earth, consensus from this year’s Davos meeting seems to be that any sense of climate urgency there once was has waned.
“They are not talking a lot about climate, about biodiversity, about this crisis at all, and that is not acceptable,” Hindou Oumarou Ibrahim, an activist from Chad, told David Gelles of The New York Times. Gelles got a similar message from Andres Gluski, chief executive of AES, a U.S.-based energy company that has committed to renewables in recent years. “I think there’s a little bit of sort of climate catastrophe fatigue,” Gluski said. “People are like, ‘Yeah, yeah, the world is going to end. But I’m still going to vacation on the Greek islands or the Bahamas.’”
Climate was not completely off the agenda: Tuesday morning’s session included a panel on climate and nature featuring some heavy hitters, including International Monetary Fund chief Kristalina Georgieva and World Bank President Ajay Banga, and Fortune’s Peter Vanham reports that former Vice President, climate activist, and funny person Al Gore had the crowd at a dinner for the Time 100 riled up. (I particularly liked this turn of phrase from the speech. “We hear the word ‘polycrisis’ thrown around now,” Gore said. “Solving the climate crisis is a polysolution that will help us solve a wide range of crises, and we need inspiration.”)
Nevertheless, the climate crisis seems to have fallen down the global elite’s priority list — “and that’s a shame,” said Paul Polman, a former CEO of Unilever, speaking to Fortune’s Varnham. Taking the prevalence of “ESG,” or environmental, social, and governance concerns as a proxy for global finance’s interest in addressing climate, Davos observers at Semafor found that the acronym appeared twice on the 2022 Davos program, once in 2023, and not at all this year.
It is true there were some other very large fishes to fry — the biggest, according to Palantir CEO Alex Karp, the hostage crisis in Gaza, Semafor reported. “In the world I live in — as important as climate is right now, this is the most important issue and everyone has to discuss it.” And while French President Emmanuel Macron took the stage on day three of the conference to call for European energy sovereignty, you could be forgiven for not knowing that; between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s cri de coeur for continued aid and recently elected Argentinian President Javier Milei’s spellbinding tirade against the evils of “collectivism” and “radical feminism,” there wasn’t much attention left to go around.
Overall, the climate vibes are not good. “2024 will be an unusually consequential year for climate action,” Jason Bordoff, director of the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, told Bloomberg. “By the end of the year, with another COP concluding in a petrostate and the results of many national elections, we’ll have a sense of whether climate cooperation is breaking down or not.”
One bright spot: There is currently above average snowpack in Davos, which has led to some picturesque scenes and warm-looking outfits. As we know, of course, that does not mean all is well climate-wise. “If you go 12 kilometers lower down, you have below-average [snow coverage],” Christoph Marty, climate scientist at the Swiss Federal Institute for Forest, Snow and Landscape Research, told the Financial Times. “It shows how vulnerable the snowpack is to temperature.”
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.