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While they’re confident in the accuracy of this year’s predictions, the future looks a lot murkier.

Buoys have it tough.
Built to endure some of the harshest conditions on the planet, the instruments are thrashed by ocean waves, buffeted by high winds, corroded by sea salt, and scorched by the sun’s ultraviolet rays. Their measurements on everything from solar radiation to seawater salinity, barometric pressure, and the still-alarmingly-warm water temperatures in the Gulf of Mexico (by any other name) provide crucial information for the experts making forecasts for weather patterns like the El Niño and the Southern Oscillation variations, which have impacts felt around the world. The buoys also provide life-or-death data used to make informed forecasts for the 60 million Americans living in the Atlantic and Gulf regions — i.e. those most vulnerable to hurricanes.
The job of maintaining the government’s more than 200 moored buoys across the Pacific and Atlantic basins falls to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Data Buoy Center, based out of southern Mississippi. Like many teams at NOAA, the NDBC consists of a small group of oceanographers, computer scientists, engineers, and meteorologists that play an outsized role in shaping our understanding of what’s happening in the ocean. Also like many teams at NOAA, it has been hit hard by the Trump administration’s sweeping layoffs and buyouts. Of its 34 full-time employees, the NDBC had already lost three as of March 1, while the fate of another 120 contract employees — who help keep the buoys maintained and operational — is in limbo. “Hopefully it won’t get to the point where [the system] kind of falls apart,” one engineer who retired this year worried to The Columbian.
Against this bleak backdrop, independent forecasters have begun to release their predictions for the 2025 hurricane season. Groups like Colorado State University’s Department of Atmospheric Sciences and the media company AccuWeather, which publish highly regarded outlooks every April, rely almost entirely on data from NOAA’s buoys, satellites, and weather stations.
“NOAA is critical,” Levi Silvers, a research scientist and a co-author of CSU’s 2025 outlook, told me. “If you look back 20 or 30 years ago, we didn’t have nearly as many buoys out there. That meant forecasters “couldn’t really tell how deep the warm or cool layers of the Pacific went,” which led to more unpleasant surprises, he said. “We can see that now because of the buoys from NOAA.”
This year, government-provided data informed CSU’s forecast of 17 named storms in 2025, as well as AccuWeather’s prediction of 13 to 18 named storms. Both groups’ forecasts are slightly lower than their 2024 predictions, although Silvers stressed that the dip shouldn’t be the emphasis. “It’s still above normal,” he said, noting that the average number of named storms between 1991 and 2020 was fewer than 15. “I hope that people don’t get the impression that it’s a below-average season because it’s less than last year.”
Paul Pastelok, AccuWeather’s head of long-range forecasting, likewise told me that while water temperatures aren’t as warm in the Atlantic basin’s main development area as last year, they’re still pretty close. Hurricanes primarily draw their power from heat at the sea’s surface, so early season temperature readings can tip off forecasters to increased storm activity. There is no reason to write off the possibility of another storm as powerful as Hurricane Milton making U.S. landfall this year. (AccuWeather predicts three to five Category 3-strength or higher storms this year, while CSU expects four.) The potential for rapid intensification — where a storm significantly increases in wind speed over a period of 24 hours or less, as we saw with last year’s Hurricane Beryl — also remains.
Pastelok was particularly alarmed by the numbers NOAA has reported in the Gulf, which could mean a lot of “homegrown activity.” “In the past, we’ve seen these long-track systems coming off the African coast that can produce some big storms — Category 4 or 5 — but we have time to react and see where they’re going to go,” Pastelok said. “It’s the ones that develop closer to the county that could catch people off guard.”
Pastelok added that AccuWeather hasn’t had any issues receiving NOAA data, and he isn’t worried yet about continuing to obtain quality data to tweak their predictions, including potentially accounting for a late-season La Niña, a pattern typically conducive to more hurricanes. Silvers sounded less sure: “I don’t think people realize how much work it takes to get information from a satellite or a buoy to make a picture in your computer,” he said. “It has to be collected, and there’s a huge process of quality control, where we have to make sure the data is good.” NOAA has — or at least had — many employees doing the “grueling, tedious, computer-science-type work” to provide good data to hurricane forecasters.
NOAA’s National Hurricane Center also provides its own forecast of named storms, which is usually released just before the June 1 start of the season. In response to my emailed questions about how the administration’s layoffs may affect NHC’s forecasting capabilities, a communications officer reiterated the agency’s policy of not discussing internal personnel matters or engaging in speculative interviews. She added, however, that NOAA “remains dedicated to its mission, providing timely information, research, and resources that serve the American public and ensure our nation’s environmental and economic resilience.”
Other branches of NOAA responsible for observations and communications related to hurricanes also appear to be in trouble. Mission-critical flight directors for the Hurricane Hunters, who measure the intensity of developing storms by flying through the eyewall, have been among those laid off by the agency, reducing NOAA’s aviation capacity by 25%. The National Weather Service has also indefinitely suspended its extreme weather alerts in languages other than English — including Spanish, which is spoken at home by 20% of Floridians and nearly 30% of Texans. And while NOAA noted to me that its Weather Prediction Center, National Water Center, and National Weather Service offices around the country issued a “rare coordinated NOAA news release” ahead of last year’s devastating Hurricane Helene, that kind of inter-department cooperation and messaging gets harder as the contact information of former point-people goes dark and one-time colleagues are no longer around to answer a call.
For now, at least, the 2025 hurricane predictions remain high quality and trustworthy; Pastelok sounded confident of the range AccuWeather had landed on, and Silvers also sounded assured in the numbers CSU put out. But buoys break — the NDBC’s annual “maintenance mission” alone lasts eight months, not to mention its constant backlog of as-needed repairs — and other ocean monitoring programs are also at risk of losing their funding.
At the end of the day, a forecast is only as good as the data fed into it. Hurricanes are highly complicated systems, and every degree of water temperature, shift in wind shear, and variation in tropical waves can change the character of a storm. If NOAA’s data and quality control degrades in the coming months or even years, it’s not an exaggeration to say that the fallout could be catastrophic.
And as hurricane forecasters like to say: All it takes is one storm.
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1. Suffolk County, New York – Rarely do I get to say battery fire fears can be quelched but we have a very good example brewing in the Empire State.
2. Loudon County, Virginia – I can’t believe it: Data Center Alley is going to enact a moratorium.
3. Pulaski County, Arkansas – Entergy has dropped the lawsuit it filed against an Arkansas newspaper over the publication of a power deal with Google.
4. Darlington County, South Carolina – We conclude this week’s Hotspots with a focus on a GOP-leaning county rejecting a renewables moratorium.
A conversation with Sam Lyman of the Bitcoin Policy Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Sam Lyman, head of research at the Bitcoin Policy Institute. Originally focused on cryptocurrency, Lyman’s organization has expanded to policy and messaging development around data centers, most notably providing research many AI boosters cite to claim foreign influence is driving opposition to new hyperscale projects. Last week, the think tank released a new report calling for a novel solution to the data center permitting bottleneck: direct cash payments from data center projects to individuals involved with building them, as well as residents nearby facilities once they’re operating.
I reached out to BPI and asked for a chat with Lyman about the data center dividend proposal. I also tried to get to the bottom of where this increasingly relevant think tank stands on the general idea of a national data center law. The conversation was immensely informative. So here it is, in a lightly abridged and edited format.
Let’s start with the data center dividend proposal. Walk my readers through it.
Data center dividends came from the idea that, ideally in the AI revolution, we want all Americans to benefit. Especially rural Americans. You look at the landscape today, the majority of AI data centers are being built in rural America. It’s critical they’ll benefit from the massive wealth AI will unlock.
There’s lots of ways to make that happen. People point to the jobs AI data centers will build out, for example. But with data center dividends, we take the logic of the Alaska Permanent Fund and we apply it to America’s rural counties, which are sitting on a proverbial gold mine right now but lack any kind of public mechanism allowing them to benefit from that in a maximal way.
If you look at the tax revenue these data centers create, which is astronomical, how do we distribute this tax revenue in a way where it has the most tangible impact on the families living there? We believe data center dividends are the best way to do that – after allocating money for schools, public safety, and infrastructure, it allows these counties with tens of millions of dollars left over to distribute them as they see fit. They should distribute that money to the men and women who make those data centers happen in the first place.
The most effective form of a dividend would take a direct payment: a cash payment, a physical check, a direct deposit. Or the form of credits paying back property taxes, utility bills, an endowment for scholarships. There’s a number of different forms this can take.
Hopefully this gets the conversation going about how we can make these work for everybody.
Who do you want to see set up this dividend mechanism? How’s your approach to implementation?
The report is addressed to county commissioners. I’m thinking of commissioners who represent both sides of the political spectrum facing this huge backlash. Many of them want to do good by their communities and their voters, even if it means doing a data center, in places where it’s difficult to explain right now. Dividends make this indisputably clear.
I tried to put myself in the shoes of an enterprising county commissioner who sees the merits in the data center buildout and wants to break out of the political storm. It’s important to note data centers can be a huge economic boon for communities, in ways that can impact lives positively.
Have any communities – counties, as you noted – taken this idea up yet? Are there any models for this proposal?
The best analogue is West Feliciana, Louisiana, which is the case study we feature. West Feliciana made an agreement with a data center developer where in lieu of taxes, they make direct payments of about $90 million a year to the parish. That triples the community’s tax budget every year. It leaves ample room not only for essential services but dividends afterwards. Louisiana then passed a law – Act 434 – that allowed West Feliciana to remit some of those payments to residents as a tax credit. This bill first provided the opportunity for the parish to even remit those payments as cash, but it was changed in the legislature to make it a credit. That’s the closest we’ve gotten so far.
As far as reaching out to individual counties, we’re a think tank. We put ideas into the universe. We haven’t had anyone reach out to us since the publication of the report so far but we’re hoping they will.
Your report does lay out how there’s a bottleneck in development and this could help with easing it. Do you see an impetus to put ideas like the dividend out there right now, in light of the increased data center scrutiny in this year’s midterms?
Our publication is irrespective of the midterms. But it is tied to the fact that a bottleneck facing the data center buildout includes it becoming a politicized issue. We’re of the belief these projects shouldn't be political at all. One way to break through the noise is by showing how they can benefit those involved in construction and residents who live there. Data centers are critical infrastructure; other forms of critical infrastructure aren’t being politicized. Our efforts are to demonstrate how these shouldn’t be political.
When it comes to the future of AI data center regulation, this proposal is obviously geared towards incentivizing a resolution to the bottleneck through using resources produced from data centers – namely, new investment.
Where does your organization stand on the increased push for environmental or siting regulation on AI data centers?
I’m not familiar with what you might be referring to there.
I mean, there’s all kinds of proposals at the federal level and in states for everything from being required to pay for infrastructure upgrades to being required to use closed-loop cooling to siting restrictions, like temporary moratoria.
What I’m asking is, what else do you as an organization believe when it comes to regulating AI data center development at the federal level? State level?
We believe data centers should work for the communities where they’re being built. That’s important. So the concept of BYOP – Bring Your Own Power – we very much support that idea. We think the Ratepayer Protection Pledge is a great proposal because ultimately we want data centers, with them being critical infrastructure, to not only strengthen our national security but strengthen the communities where they’re being built.
Some states are rejecting data centers. We think that’s a mistake because it's something that’ll ultimately short-change the people who live there. For the states that do decide to build data centers, it's up to them what regulations make data centers more sustainable over time.
There’s increased public discussion for policy on AI development – as an organization, do you see any role in the federal government making policy here with a national data center law?
We think AI will be key to America’s prosperity over the long-term. We have concerns about the regulation of open-source artificial intelligence; bitcoin is a form of open-source software and open-source money. We believe intelligence should be something available to all Americans. That’s our concern with talk about regulating AI right now, it feels like a ploy for regulatory capture.
But what about national policy on AI data centers? Does your think tank support the national legislature doing a federal data center bill or is that something best for localities or states?
It depends on the bill. Are you talking about Sen. Bernie Sanders’ national moratorium?
With a permitting deal seemingly on the horizon, Republican Gabe Evans and Democrat Scott Peters may be about to see their partnership pay off.
The fate of permitting reform legislation that could smooth the way to all kinds of new and improved energy infrastructure — including transmission lines and renewables — is currently hostage to opaque discussions between Senate committee chairs. Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, the Democratic ranking member of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, told a Rhode Island business group earlier this week that “we’re actually in a pretty good place on permitting reform,” and that there was “maybe another week of negotiations.” Whitehouse’s Republican counterpart on the EPW committee, West Virginia Senator Shelly Moore-Capito, told Semafor on Friday that any bill has “got to pop out of here in the next 48 hours.”
If that’s going to happen, it will be because Republicans and Democrats have decided it’s worth it to get along. Any deal will eventually have to be voted on by the House, which has already produced several bills on a bipartisan basis, and even passed one — the SPEED Act — late last year.
Two of the busier House members on this issue are Scott Peters, a Democratic former environmental lawyer from San Diego, and Gabe Evans, a first term Colorado Republican representing a suburban and rural district north of Denver that includes wind farms and crude oil production. “The district that I represent truly is an all of the above energy district,” Evans told me.
Their latest effort is a bill aimed at smoothing out permitting for transmission development, especially interregional transmission. Last week, the two congressmen unveiled the CLEAR Act, seeking to apply a stricter set of standards for lawsuits against transmission projects that aligned with how natural gas and hydropower projects are treated under the Federal Power Act (it’s much harder to sue to stop these projects). Earlier this year, the two also sponsored the CERTAIN Act, a more comprehensive streamlining of federal permitting for energy infrastructure projects.
“We’re proud to have a lot of our work as the foundation for this, and I think if they send us over something that includes this, it’s got a really good chance of passing in the House,” Peters told me. Evans added that bringing forward bipartisan bills “gives a little bit more impetus to the Senate to know that the House is looking for these things.”
While the Senate’s deal will be up to the senators, Peters told me he envisions a broad permitting package that could include reforms to the National Environmental Policy Act to shorten permitting timelines, preventing the president from nixing individual projects, and reform Section 401 of the Clean Water Act which effectively devolves power to tribes and states to block a variety of interstate projects. “I think it’s coming together pretty well,” Peters said. “Obviously, we’re waiting for white smoke from the Senate.”
A permitting reform package may be one of the last major bills several bipartisan-minded House members get to vote on.
Election day is about six weeks off, and while Peters will likely have an easy time getting reelected for this eighth term, Evans is in a tough race. His purple-hued district is a target for the House Democratic campaign arm, which is hoping to flip it to former Colorado House of Representatives member Manny Rutinel, who worked as a lawyer at the environmental group Earthjustice. The Cook Political Report rates the race as toss-up, and Nate Silver gives Rutinel a roughly 75% to win.
But Rutinel won’t be getting any campaign help from Peters.
When I asked Peters about the timing of releasing a bill that could boost an endangered Republican’s bipartisan bona fides less than two months before an election, Peters told me that he and Evans had been working on it “for a while,” and that “my colleagues know that I’ve worked with Republicans to get problems solved.”
He said he wasn’t “participating in Gabe’s election” and wasn’t giving any money to his campaign, but also that he wouldn’t campaign Evans’ challenger, despite the opportunity to bolster his own caucus.
Peters is not shy about praising Evans. “What I appreciate about Gabe is that it takes a little bit of initiative to separate yourself from the majority — particularly when you’re in the trifecta — and do your own thing. He’s been a good partner in helping find ways to reduce process and make things go faster,” he told me.
Evans told me that he and Peters met early in this Congress, as Evans was getting settled into his new office in the Longworth building. “We’ve built the relationship over the last two years with a lot of the different areas that we’ve collaborated on.”
“I always try to meet the members of my committee and find out who will work with me. And I was fortunate to find Gabe,” Peters said.
“I do want to win the majority in the next Congress,” Peters went on, but “the norm should be that we figure out ways to work together to solve problems, and, you know, we’ll let the voters of Colorado 8 decide who to send me.”
Evans, for his part, told me that he had to work with Democrats to get anything passed as a member of a minuscule Republican minority in the Colorado statehouse, and that the 40-plus members of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus have agreed not to campaign against each other. “There’s 385 other members that you can go pick fights with,” he said.