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While they’re confident in the accuracy of this year’s predictions, the future looks a lot murkier.

Buoys have it tough.
Built to endure some of the harshest conditions on the planet, the instruments are thrashed by ocean waves, buffeted by high winds, corroded by sea salt, and scorched by the sun’s ultraviolet rays. Their measurements on everything from solar radiation to seawater salinity, barometric pressure, and the still-alarmingly-warm water temperatures in the Gulf of Mexico (by any other name) provide crucial information for the experts making forecasts for weather patterns like the El Niño and the Southern Oscillation variations, which have impacts felt around the world. The buoys also provide life-or-death data used to make informed forecasts for the 60 million Americans living in the Atlantic and Gulf regions — i.e. those most vulnerable to hurricanes.
The job of maintaining the government’s more than 200 moored buoys across the Pacific and Atlantic basins falls to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Data Buoy Center, based out of southern Mississippi. Like many teams at NOAA, the NDBC consists of a small group of oceanographers, computer scientists, engineers, and meteorologists that play an outsized role in shaping our understanding of what’s happening in the ocean. Also like many teams at NOAA, it has been hit hard by the Trump administration’s sweeping layoffs and buyouts. Of its 34 full-time employees, the NDBC had already lost three as of March 1, while the fate of another 120 contract employees — who help keep the buoys maintained and operational — is in limbo. “Hopefully it won’t get to the point where [the system] kind of falls apart,” one engineer who retired this year worried to The Columbian.
Against this bleak backdrop, independent forecasters have begun to release their predictions for the 2025 hurricane season. Groups like Colorado State University’s Department of Atmospheric Sciences and the media company AccuWeather, which publish highly regarded outlooks every April, rely almost entirely on data from NOAA’s buoys, satellites, and weather stations.
“NOAA is critical,” Levi Silvers, a research scientist and a co-author of CSU’s 2025 outlook, told me. “If you look back 20 or 30 years ago, we didn’t have nearly as many buoys out there. That meant forecasters “couldn’t really tell how deep the warm or cool layers of the Pacific went,” which led to more unpleasant surprises, he said. “We can see that now because of the buoys from NOAA.”
This year, government-provided data informed CSU’s forecast of 17 named storms in 2025, as well as AccuWeather’s prediction of 13 to 18 named storms. Both groups’ forecasts are slightly lower than their 2024 predictions, although Silvers stressed that the dip shouldn’t be the emphasis. “It’s still above normal,” he said, noting that the average number of named storms between 1991 and 2020 was fewer than 15. “I hope that people don’t get the impression that it’s a below-average season because it’s less than last year.”
Paul Pastelok, AccuWeather’s head of long-range forecasting, likewise told me that while water temperatures aren’t as warm in the Atlantic basin’s main development area as last year, they’re still pretty close. Hurricanes primarily draw their power from heat at the sea’s surface, so early season temperature readings can tip off forecasters to increased storm activity. There is no reason to write off the possibility of another storm as powerful as Hurricane Milton making U.S. landfall this year. (AccuWeather predicts three to five Category 3-strength or higher storms this year, while CSU expects four.) The potential for rapid intensification — where a storm significantly increases in wind speed over a period of 24 hours or less, as we saw with last year’s Hurricane Beryl — also remains.
Pastelok was particularly alarmed by the numbers NOAA has reported in the Gulf, which could mean a lot of “homegrown activity.” “In the past, we’ve seen these long-track systems coming off the African coast that can produce some big storms — Category 4 or 5 — but we have time to react and see where they’re going to go,” Pastelok said. “It’s the ones that develop closer to the county that could catch people off guard.”
Pastelok added that AccuWeather hasn’t had any issues receiving NOAA data, and he isn’t worried yet about continuing to obtain quality data to tweak their predictions, including potentially accounting for a late-season La Niña, a pattern typically conducive to more hurricanes. Silvers sounded less sure: “I don’t think people realize how much work it takes to get information from a satellite or a buoy to make a picture in your computer,” he said. “It has to be collected, and there’s a huge process of quality control, where we have to make sure the data is good.” NOAA has — or at least had — many employees doing the “grueling, tedious, computer-science-type work” to provide good data to hurricane forecasters.
NOAA’s National Hurricane Center also provides its own forecast of named storms, which is usually released just before the June 1 start of the season. In response to my emailed questions about how the administration’s layoffs may affect NHC’s forecasting capabilities, a communications officer reiterated the agency’s policy of not discussing internal personnel matters or engaging in speculative interviews. She added, however, that NOAA “remains dedicated to its mission, providing timely information, research, and resources that serve the American public and ensure our nation’s environmental and economic resilience.”
Other branches of NOAA responsible for observations and communications related to hurricanes also appear to be in trouble. Mission-critical flight directors for the Hurricane Hunters, who measure the intensity of developing storms by flying through the eyewall, have been among those laid off by the agency, reducing NOAA’s aviation capacity by 25%. The National Weather Service has also indefinitely suspended its extreme weather alerts in languages other than English — including Spanish, which is spoken at home by 20% of Floridians and nearly 30% of Texans. And while NOAA noted to me that its Weather Prediction Center, National Water Center, and National Weather Service offices around the country issued a “rare coordinated NOAA news release” ahead of last year’s devastating Hurricane Helene, that kind of inter-department cooperation and messaging gets harder as the contact information of former point-people goes dark and one-time colleagues are no longer around to answer a call.
For now, at least, the 2025 hurricane predictions remain high quality and trustworthy; Pastelok sounded confident of the range AccuWeather had landed on, and Silvers also sounded assured in the numbers CSU put out. But buoys break — the NDBC’s annual “maintenance mission” alone lasts eight months, not to mention its constant backlog of as-needed repairs — and other ocean monitoring programs are also at risk of losing their funding.
At the end of the day, a forecast is only as good as the data fed into it. Hurricanes are highly complicated systems, and every degree of water temperature, shift in wind shear, and variation in tropical waves can change the character of a storm. If NOAA’s data and quality control degrades in the coming months or even years, it’s not an exaggeration to say that the fallout could be catastrophic.
And as hurricane forecasters like to say: All it takes is one storm.
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Catching up with the American Council on Renewable Energy’s Ray Long.
Today’s chat is with Ray Long, CEO of the American Council on Renewable Energy. We first discussed the odds of permitting reform a year and a half ago, for one of the first Q&As in The Fight. Flash forward and we’re still in the same situation, but now also wrestling with added demand for electricity to power data centers. I wanted to talk again about whether he thought the rise of artificial intelligence would increase the odds of some federal deal happening any time soon. The result: a wide-reaching conversation about the future of the electric grid, the struggles to win community buy-in and the sclerotic nature of the U.S. Congress.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Do you think the buildout of our energy grid is entwined with the rise of the nation’s data center buildout?
When you look at what we need over the next four years — 166 gigawatts, 15 times the peak load of New York City — that’s a lot of power to build. Roughly half of that is for data center and AI growth.
There are five things we can build in the next four years at scale to address that collective amount. First, it’s transmission — the transmission buildout will help to get a modern grid to enable power flow to where it’s needed in a much more effective way. That’s the first step because if we just build all that power, the current grid can’t handle it.
Second, there are four supply technologies that can be built: solar, batteries, wind, and natural gas. All four of those technologies, we know there’s enough equipment here in the U.S. available for purchase that we can build at volume. And I’ll say this — natural gas is only about 10% of all those gigawatts because of the availability of turbines from suppliers. You can’t get enough over the next four years. So when I talk about decarbonization, most of what is built to address this issue is zero-carbon resources, renewable energy resources.
If you were to compare the current conversation around data center development to the debate over developing renewable energy in the U.S. — or energy in general — do you see any similarities or differences?
There are always issues with permitting projects. Communities are always going to have concerns about what’s built in their backyards.
What’s new — and your polling shows this — is the level of concern communities have. But here’s the thing: Most of this can be overcome by developers going in, listening to what the needs of the communities are, then responding and through the permitting process addressing those concerns. You can’t do that 100% of the time. But my experience is, when you take that sort of approach, you can overcome a lot of it.
Most of the large data centers are actually doing the things I’m discussing — going in and saying, Look, we want to be grid interconnected because grid connection at the end of the day means the resources we’re bringing to bear are also going to make a stronger grid. Number two, it's investing in power generation sources like the ones I said — and those power sources will be on the grid, so they’ll solve for the increased power demands of a community.
Third, water. They should bring the water solutions. You’re seeing data centers coming in and saying it head on now, that they have closed-loop systems or whatever the solution is. At the end of the day, the communities they’re proposing these in have a real negotiating opportunity to make sure they’re holding the data center developers accountable to the needs of the community.
For a community to say we don’t want it here misses a real opportunity for those communities to get the power they need, the grid they need, and the ability to bring down energy costs.
How is the data center debate affecting permitting reform conversations in Washington, from your perspective?
Permitting reform in the U.S. at the state and federal level has been broken for years. The SunZia transmission project? It took 17 years to permit. Ribbon-cutting is in a week or two and there’s still litigation around it. From a business perspective, it’s just untenable, and it’s a miracle that the project is getting built. Developers need a chance to come in and have their project evaluated. Both the community and the developer should be able to get to a go or no-go in a couple of years on one of these projects.
How is data center growth affecting the permitting reform discussion? It’s a very hot issue right now. Right now I think in part because the data center issue is so huge — because we’ve only got four years to solve for the first really big tranche of power we need and prices across the board for electricity are escalating — this is coming to a head. The data center load is a part of the catalyst to get people talking about it [permitting reform].
Do you expect legislating in Congress on permitting reform this year? Anything beyond more conversation?
My hope is that we get a bill. A few weeks ago someone from the administration was quoted as saying they wanted a framework for a bill by the end of May, and it’s June now. We haven’t seen both sides or the administration coalesce around a final project yet.
We’re in a midterm election cycle. Typically it’s very difficult during these cycles to move bills like this. At the same time, with electricity prices increasing and the need to build more, to fix this, I’m very hopeful something will come together. And look at the Senate — you’ve got Republicans and the Democratic ranking members talking about this. It’s all good signs.
If everyone’s talking about energy and affordability during this election, isn’t that a good thing for action in the next Congress?
I’ll say this: You’re seeing the catalyst for it right now with prices rising, and almost every grid operator around the country has raised concerns about shortages at some point this year or next year. It’ll hopefully be enough to have policymakers do something about it this year.
Plus more of week’s biggest development fights.
1. Ohio — This state might just be the most important flashpoint in the national fight over advanced energy and tech infrastructure.
2. Laramie County, Wyoming — The Cowboy State’s capital city is one of the few to reject a data center moratorium. But tech companies. don’t get your hopes up too high.
3. Los Angeles County, California — Elsewhere, we saw the first city in California vote to ban data centers … once and for all.
4. Charles County, Maryland — This populous county south of D.C. is now out of reach for data center development.
5. Baldwin County, Alabama — There will be a vote at the end of this month on whether to ban solar in the county whose opposition nearly prompted a statewide moratorium on development.
6. Hopkins County, Texas — I have one last update related to a large data center legal fight we’ve been covering closely.
The national AI data center moratorium has momentum.
As I’ve been documenting for months here at The Fight, data center opposition is surging across the country. Our latest Heatmap Pro poll puts some very hard numbers behind that picture. More than 7 in 10 Americans oppose new data center construction near where they live, up from just over 4 in 10 last fall. Part of what’s driving that opposition: More than half of respondents hold data centers largely responsible for rising electricity prices, and nearly half are pessimistic about the effect artificial intelligence will have on their lives.
Here’s yet another data point from our poll that underscores the intensity of the opposition: A majority of Americans now say they support a nationwide halt to new data center construction.
Digging into demographics, support for a national AI data center moratorium breaks predictably based on age and gender — younger people are more likely to back the idea, as are women. Americans are just as likely to back moratoria in their own states as they are a national stop to development, indicating the public relations rot may run deep amongst its critics in the public.
The notion of an AI data center moratorium comes from the political left, specifically Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who introduced the first bill to enact such a pause earlier this year. Yet its appeal straddles political lines. Among Democrats, 66% said they’d back a national moratorium, compared to just 19% opposed; in the Republican camp, 55% said they backed the idea, compared to 28% opposed. Independents echoed those views as well, with answers falling neatly in between the two sides (58% support, 21% oppose).
The surge in support for a country-wide stop to new data centers stands in contrast to the more hesitant attitude politicians of all stripes have shown toward the opposition movement. That includes the White House, which until this week embraced a deregulatory approach to fostering AI tech before abruptly changing course this week and seeking early access to new models.
A good example of this political distance exists in Missouri, where Republican Governor Mike Kehoe last month proudly declared that Google was investing $15 billion in a hyperscale data center project in the rural town of New Florence in Montgomery County. After Kehoe’s announcement, the White House’s rapid response media account joined in on celebrating this economic investment, touting the potential for “thousands of construction jobs and hundreds of permanent jobs” from the Google project.
Among the hoi polloi, however, discontent was rife. This was actually the second large data center project in New Florence, and locals in and around this town of fewer than 1,000 residents have been busy suing the county to halt a separate Amazon data center proposed directly across from Google’s project.
Montgomery County is incredibly conservative politically and “has voted red since I can’t even remember,” Sabrina Cope, an organizer with opposition group Preserve Montgomery County, told me over the phone. “They’re turning up their nose at the White House’s support for these kinds of projects. This isn’t an issue solely Democrats or Republicans are upset about.” (The White House did not respond to a request for comment.)
The political mismatch here is also bipartisan.
In New York, state legislators on Thursday passed legislation to enact a one-year pause on new data center permitting. The bill now goes to the desk of New York’s governor, Democrat Kathy Hochul, who has signaled she’s against a broad moratorium. “This is a local decision for municipalities,” Hochul told reporters last month, according to a Politico report. “It’s not a statewide approach, necessarily, but it’s something I’m looking at intensely.”
The scene in the Empire State feels eerily similar to what happened in the Pine Tree State when Maine Democrats sought to enact a moratorium, only to be stymied by a veto from Governor Janet Mills, also a Democrat. Should Hochul spurn the state legislature, it would defy what our polls say is the overwhelming political opinion.
Our poll also found rural voters are almost 10 points more likely than suburban and urban denizens to support a moratorium on new data centers. Knowing how often land use conflicts occur in upstate New York, where voters skew Republican, the yeoman’s calculus in both parties might lead more politicians to support temporarily stopping or stalling data center industry growth.
In Illinois, we’re starting to see policy start to align at least a little more closely with what Democratic voters want. On Friday, Governor J.B. Pritzker announced he would pause data center tax breaks and ask the state legislature to enact a new statute governing the industry’s water and energy use as well as deployment of non-disclosure agreements. If Illinois is a harbinger of things to come in blue states, we’ll see more action like this.