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While they’re confident in the accuracy of this year’s predictions, the future looks a lot murkier.

Buoys have it tough.
Built to endure some of the harshest conditions on the planet, the instruments are thrashed by ocean waves, buffeted by high winds, corroded by sea salt, and scorched by the sun’s ultraviolet rays. Their measurements on everything from solar radiation to seawater salinity, barometric pressure, and the still-alarmingly-warm water temperatures in the Gulf of Mexico (by any other name) provide crucial information for the experts making forecasts for weather patterns like the El Niño and the Southern Oscillation variations, which have impacts felt around the world. The buoys also provide life-or-death data used to make informed forecasts for the 60 million Americans living in the Atlantic and Gulf regions — i.e. those most vulnerable to hurricanes.
The job of maintaining the government’s more than 200 moored buoys across the Pacific and Atlantic basins falls to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Data Buoy Center, based out of southern Mississippi. Like many teams at NOAA, the NDBC consists of a small group of oceanographers, computer scientists, engineers, and meteorologists that play an outsized role in shaping our understanding of what’s happening in the ocean. Also like many teams at NOAA, it has been hit hard by the Trump administration’s sweeping layoffs and buyouts. Of its 34 full-time employees, the NDBC had already lost three as of March 1, while the fate of another 120 contract employees — who help keep the buoys maintained and operational — is in limbo. “Hopefully it won’t get to the point where [the system] kind of falls apart,” one engineer who retired this year worried to The Columbian.
Against this bleak backdrop, independent forecasters have begun to release their predictions for the 2025 hurricane season. Groups like Colorado State University’s Department of Atmospheric Sciences and the media company AccuWeather, which publish highly regarded outlooks every April, rely almost entirely on data from NOAA’s buoys, satellites, and weather stations.
“NOAA is critical,” Levi Silvers, a research scientist and a co-author of CSU’s 2025 outlook, told me. “If you look back 20 or 30 years ago, we didn’t have nearly as many buoys out there. That meant forecasters “couldn’t really tell how deep the warm or cool layers of the Pacific went,” which led to more unpleasant surprises, he said. “We can see that now because of the buoys from NOAA.”
This year, government-provided data informed CSU’s forecast of 17 named storms in 2025, as well as AccuWeather’s prediction of 13 to 18 named storms. Both groups’ forecasts are slightly lower than their 2024 predictions, although Silvers stressed that the dip shouldn’t be the emphasis. “It’s still above normal,” he said, noting that the average number of named storms between 1991 and 2020 was fewer than 15. “I hope that people don’t get the impression that it’s a below-average season because it’s less than last year.”
Paul Pastelok, AccuWeather’s head of long-range forecasting, likewise told me that while water temperatures aren’t as warm in the Atlantic basin’s main development area as last year, they’re still pretty close. Hurricanes primarily draw their power from heat at the sea’s surface, so early season temperature readings can tip off forecasters to increased storm activity. There is no reason to write off the possibility of another storm as powerful as Hurricane Milton making U.S. landfall this year. (AccuWeather predicts three to five Category 3-strength or higher storms this year, while CSU expects four.) The potential for rapid intensification — where a storm significantly increases in wind speed over a period of 24 hours or less, as we saw with last year’s Hurricane Beryl — also remains.
Pastelok was particularly alarmed by the numbers NOAA has reported in the Gulf, which could mean a lot of “homegrown activity.” “In the past, we’ve seen these long-track systems coming off the African coast that can produce some big storms — Category 4 or 5 — but we have time to react and see where they’re going to go,” Pastelok said. “It’s the ones that develop closer to the county that could catch people off guard.”
Pastelok added that AccuWeather hasn’t had any issues receiving NOAA data, and he isn’t worried yet about continuing to obtain quality data to tweak their predictions, including potentially accounting for a late-season La Niña, a pattern typically conducive to more hurricanes. Silvers sounded less sure: “I don’t think people realize how much work it takes to get information from a satellite or a buoy to make a picture in your computer,” he said. “It has to be collected, and there’s a huge process of quality control, where we have to make sure the data is good.” NOAA has — or at least had — many employees doing the “grueling, tedious, computer-science-type work” to provide good data to hurricane forecasters.
NOAA’s National Hurricane Center also provides its own forecast of named storms, which is usually released just before the June 1 start of the season. In response to my emailed questions about how the administration’s layoffs may affect NHC’s forecasting capabilities, a communications officer reiterated the agency’s policy of not discussing internal personnel matters or engaging in speculative interviews. She added, however, that NOAA “remains dedicated to its mission, providing timely information, research, and resources that serve the American public and ensure our nation’s environmental and economic resilience.”
Other branches of NOAA responsible for observations and communications related to hurricanes also appear to be in trouble. Mission-critical flight directors for the Hurricane Hunters, who measure the intensity of developing storms by flying through the eyewall, have been among those laid off by the agency, reducing NOAA’s aviation capacity by 25%. The National Weather Service has also indefinitely suspended its extreme weather alerts in languages other than English — including Spanish, which is spoken at home by 20% of Floridians and nearly 30% of Texans. And while NOAA noted to me that its Weather Prediction Center, National Water Center, and National Weather Service offices around the country issued a “rare coordinated NOAA news release” ahead of last year’s devastating Hurricane Helene, that kind of inter-department cooperation and messaging gets harder as the contact information of former point-people goes dark and one-time colleagues are no longer around to answer a call.
For now, at least, the 2025 hurricane predictions remain high quality and trustworthy; Pastelok sounded confident of the range AccuWeather had landed on, and Silvers also sounded assured in the numbers CSU put out. But buoys break — the NDBC’s annual “maintenance mission” alone lasts eight months, not to mention its constant backlog of as-needed repairs — and other ocean monitoring programs are also at risk of losing their funding.
At the end of the day, a forecast is only as good as the data fed into it. Hurricanes are highly complicated systems, and every degree of water temperature, shift in wind shear, and variation in tropical waves can change the character of a storm. If NOAA’s data and quality control degrades in the coming months or even years, it’s not an exaggeration to say that the fallout could be catastrophic.
And as hurricane forecasters like to say: All it takes is one storm.
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According to a new analysis shared exclusively with Heatmap, coal’s equipment-related outage rate is about twice as high as wind’s.
The Trump administration wants “beautiful clean coal” to return to its place of pride on the electric grid because, it says, wind and solar are just too unreliable. “If we want to keep the lights on and prevent blackouts from happening, then we need to keep our coal plants running. Affordable, reliable and secure energy sources are common sense,” Chris Wright said on X in July, in what has become a steady drumbeat from the administration that has sought to subsidize coal and put a regulatory straitjacket around solar and (especially) wind.
This has meant real money spent in support of existing coal plants. The administration’s emergency order to keep Michigan’s J.H. Campbell coal plant open (“to secure grid reliability”), for example, has cost ratepayers served by Michigan utility Consumers Energy some $80 million all on its own.
But … how reliable is coal, actually? According to an analysis by the Environmental Defense Fund of data from the North American Electric Reliability Corporation, a nonprofit that oversees reliability standards for the grid, coal has the highest “equipment-related outage rate” — essentially, the percentage of time a generator isn’t working because of some kind of mechanical or other issue related to its physical structure — among coal, hydropower, natural gas, nuclear, and wind. Coal’s outage rate was over 12%. Wind’s was about 6.6%.
“When EDF’s team isolated just equipment-related outages, wind energy proved far more reliable than coal, which had the highest outage rate of any source NERC tracks,” EDF told me in an emailed statement.
Coal’s reliability has, in fact, been decreasing, Oliver Chapman, a research analyst at EDF, told me.
NERC has attributed this falling reliability to the changing role of coal in the energy system. Reliability “negatively correlates most strongly to capacity factor,” or how often the plant is running compared to its peak capacity. The data also “aligns with industry statements indicating that reduced investment in maintenance and abnormal cycling that are being adopted primarily in response to rapid changes in the resource mix are negatively impacting baseload coal unit performance.” In other words, coal is struggling to keep up with its changing role in the energy system. That’s due not just to the growth of solar and wind energy, which are inherently (but predictably) variable, but also to natural gas’s increasing prominence on the grid.
“When coal plants are having to be a bit more varied in their generation, we're seeing that wear and tear of those plants is increasing,” Chapman said. “The assumption is that that's only going to go up in future years.”
The issue for any plan to revitalize the coal industry, Chapman told me, is that the forces driving coal into this secondary role — namely the economics of running aging plants compared to natural gas and renewables — do not seem likely to reverse themselves any time soon.
Coal has been “sort of continuously pushed a bit more to the sidelines by renewables and natural gas being cheaper sources for utilities to generate their power. This increased marginalization is going to continue to lead to greater wear and tear on these plants,” Chapman said.
But with electricity demand increasing across the country, coal is being forced into a role that it might not be able to easily — or affordably — play, all while leading to more emissions of sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, particulate matter, mercury, and, of course, carbon dioxide.
The coal system has been beset by a number of high-profile outages recently, including at the largest new coal plant in the country, Sandy Creek in Texas, which could be offline until early 2027, according to the Texas energy market ERCOT and the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.
In at least one case, coal’s reliability issues were cited as a reason to keep another coal generating unit open past its planned retirement date.
Last month, Colorado Representative Will Hurd wrote a letter to the Department of Energy asking for emergency action to keep Unit 2 of the Comanche coal plant in Pueblo, Colorado open past its scheduled retirement at the end of his year. Hurd cited “mechanical and regulatory constraints” for the larger Unit 3 as a justification for keeping Unit 2 open, to fill in the generation gap left by the larger unit. In a filing by Xcel and several Colorado state energy officials also requesting delaying the retirement of Unit 2, they disclosed that the larger Unit 3 “experienced an unplanned outage and is offline through at least June 2026.”
Reliability issues aside, high electricity demand may turn into short-term profits at all levels of the coal industry, from the miners to the power plants.
At the same time the Trump administration is pushing coal plants to stay open past their scheduled retirement, the Energy Information Administration is forecasting that natural gas prices will continue to rise, which could lead to increased use of coal for electricity generation. The EIA forecasts that the 2025 average price of natural gas for power plants will rise 37% from 2024 levels.
Analysts at S&P Global Commodity Insights project “a continued rebound in thermal coal consumption throughout 2026 as thermal coal prices remain competitive with short-term natural gas prices encouraging gas-to-coal switching,” S&P coal analyst Wendy Schallom told me in an email.
“Stronger power demand, rising natural gas prices, delayed coal retirements, stockpiles trending lower, and strong thermal coal exports are vital to U.S. coal revival in 2025 and 2026.”
And we’re all going to be paying the price.
Rural Marylanders have asked for the president’s help to oppose the data center-related development — but so far they haven’t gotten it.
A transmission line in Maryland is pitting rural conservatives against Big Tech in a way that highlights the growing political sensitivities of the data center backlash. Opponents of the project want President Trump to intervene, but they’re worried he’ll ignore them — or even side with the data center developers.
The Piedmont Reliability Project would connect the Peach Bottom nuclear plant in southern Pennsylvania to electricity customers in northern Virginia, i.e.data centers, most likely. To get from A to B, the power line would have to criss-cross agricultural lands between Baltimore, Maryland and the Washington D.C. area.
As we chronicle time and time again in The Fight, residents in farming communities are fighting back aggressively – protesting, petitioning, suing and yelling loudly. Things have gotten so tense that some are refusing to let representatives for Piedmont’s developer, PSEG, onto their properties, and a court battle is currently underway over giving the company federal marshal protection amid threats from landowners.
Exacerbating the situation is a quirk we don’t often deal with in The Fight. Unlike energy generation projects, which are usually subject to local review, transmission sits entirely under the purview of Maryland’s Public Service Commission, a five-member board consisting entirely of Democrats appointed by current Governor Wes Moore – a rumored candidate for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. It’s going to be months before the PSC formally considers the Piedmont project, and it likely won’t issue a decision until 2027 – a date convenient for Moore, as it’s right after he’s up for re-election. Moore last month expressed “concerns” about the project’s development process, but has brushed aside calls to take a personal position on whether it should ultimately be built.
Enter a potential Trump card that could force Moore’s hand. In early October, commissioners and state legislators representing Carroll County – one of the farm-heavy counties in Piedmont’s path – sent Trump a letter requesting that he intervene in the case before the commission. The letter followed previous examples of Trump coming in to kill planned projects, including the Grain Belt Express transmission line and a Tennessee Valley Authority gas plant in Tennessee that was relocated after lobbying from a country rock musician.
One of the letter’s lead signatories was Kenneth Kiler, president of the Carroll County Board of Commissioners, who told me this lobbying effort will soon expand beyond Trump to the Agriculture and Energy Departments. He’s hoping regulators weigh in before PJM, the regional grid operator overseeing Mid-Atlantic states. “We’re hoping they go to PJM and say, ‘You’re supposed to be managing the grid, and if you were properly managing the grid you wouldn’t need to build a transmission line through a state you’re not giving power to.’”
Part of the reason why these efforts are expanding, though, is that it’s been more than a month since they sent their letter, and they’ve heard nothing but radio silence from the White House.
“My worry is that I think President Trump likes and sees the need for data centers. They take a lot of water and a lot of electric [power],” Kiler, a Republican, told me in an interview. “He’s conservative, he values property rights, but I’m not sure that he’s not wanting data centers so badly that he feels this request is justified.”
Kiler told me the plan to kill the transmission line centers hinges on delaying development long enough that interest rates, inflation and rising demand for electricity make it too painful and inconvenient to build it through his resentful community. It’s easy to believe the federal government flexing its muscle here would help with that, either by drawing out the decision-making or employing some other as yet unforeseen stall tactic. “That’s why we’re doing this second letter to the Secretary of Agriculture and Secretary of Energy asking them for help. I think they may be more sympathetic than the president,” Kiler said.
At the moment, Kiler thinks the odds of Piedmont’s construction come down to a coin flip – 50-50. “They’re running straight through us for data centers. We want this project stopped, and we’ll fight as well as we can, but it just seems like ultimately they’re going to do it,” he confessed to me.
Thus is the predicament of the rural Marylander. On the one hand, Kiler’s situation represents a great opportunity for a GOP president to come in and stand with his base against a would-be presidential candidate. On the other, data center development and artificial intelligence represent one of the president’s few economic bright spots, and he has dedicated copious policy attention to expanding growth in this precise avenue of the tech sector. It’s hard to imagine something less “energy dominance” than killing a transmission line.
The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
Plus more of the week’s most important fights around renewable energy.
1. Wayne County, Nebraska – The Trump administration fined Orsted during the government shutdown for allegedly killing bald eagles at two of its wind projects, the first indications of financial penalties for energy companies under Trump’s wind industry crackdown.
2. Ocean County, New Jersey – Speaking of wind, I broke news earlier this week that one of the nation’s largest renewable energy projects is now deceased: the Leading Light offshore wind project.
3. Dane County, Wisconsin – The fight over a ginormous data center development out here is turning into perhaps one of the nation’s most important local conflicts over AI and land use.
4. Hardeman County, Texas – It’s not all bad news today for renewable energy – because it never really is.