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Secretary of Energy Jennifer Granholm has become something of a one-woman band lately, traveling the country promoting nuclear energy. In Las Vegas at the American Nuclear Society annual conference last week, she told the audience, “We’re looking at a chance to build new nuclear at a scale not seen since the ’70s and ’80s.” A few weeks earlier she paid a visit to the Vogtle nuclear plant outside of Augusta, Georgia, site of the first new nuclear project to start construction this century “It’s time to cash in on our investments by building more, more of these facilities,” she told an audience there.
Unlike the past few decades, when nuclear power plants were more likely to shut down than be built amidst sluggish growth in electricity demand, any new nuclear power — whether from a new plant, one that’s producing new power on top of its regular output, or one that’s re-opening — is likely to be bought up eagerly these days by utilities and big energy buyers with decarbonization mandates. States and the federal government are more than happy to pony up the dollars to keep existing nuclear plants running. Technology companies will even pay a premium for clean power. Amazon, for instance, bought a data center adjacent to a nuclear plant despite despite having no nuclear strategy to speak of.
What brought about this abrupt about-face of enthusiasm? In spite of the rapid expansion of wind and solar and the recent boom in batteries, with electricity demand rising, it’s hard to turn down any green electrons. And with all that solar and wind comes a need for “clean firm” power, sources of electricity that can operate when other sources aren’t. The Department of Energy estimates that a decarbonized economy will require 700 to 900 gigawatts of clean firm power by 2050, about four times what is currently on the grid.
While a number of power sources fit this bill — long-duration batteries, geothermal, hydrogen — there is already a massive preexisting nuclear fleet, and the technology for nuclear power is well-proven, even if growing costs and decades of environmental opposition arrested the industry’s growth in the United States for decades.
“Demand has changed significantly,” Kenneth Petersen, the outgoing president of the American Nuclear Society, told me. With tech companies willing to pay additional for clean, reliable power, “demand is going up, and you’re getting a premium for that.”
While nuclear power has faced stiff opposition from environmental groups for decades, the crashing price of natural gas in the 2010s combined with the growth and falling cost of renewables made it difficult for some existing plants to stay in business, especially in regions of the country with “restructured” energy markets, where the plants were competing with whatever the cheapest source of power was on the grid. Despite the fact that these plants were producing large and steady amounts of carbon-free power, electricity markets at the time didn’t particularly value either of these attributes.
States with aggressive decarbonization goals simply could not reasonably meet them considering that nuclear plants shutting down tends to result in more burning of natural gas and more greenhouse gas emissions. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law provided another pot of funding for existing nuclear, and so in markets like New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Illinois, and California, nuclear plants receive some combination of state and federal dollars to stay online.
Constellation Energy, which has a 21 reactor nuclear fleet, saw its stock price shoot up earlier this year when it upped its forecast for revenue growth citing the strong demand and government support for its clean electrons. Its shares have risen almost 90 percent on the year.
“When you hear utilities talk about restarting a reactor, yep, it’s a huge effort. And they’re confident that they can sell the offtake of that,” Petersen told me. In the case of the Palisades nuclear plant in Michigan, which shut down in 2022 and is now in the process of re-opening, there is already a power purchase agreement with a group of rural utilities on the table.
Nuclear is the third biggest electricity source in the U.S. currently, and the largest non-carbon emitting one. As Secretary Granholm likes to remind the public — and the industry — nuclear power hasn’t had more explicit support than it has now in decades. That has come in the form of tax credits for energy output, an overhauled regulatory process for advanced reactors, and explicit funding for early-stage projects.
But Granholm isn’t the only public official talking to anyone who will listen about America’s nuclear industry.
Tim Echols, the vice chairman of Georgia Public Service Commission, the regulator that oversaw Southern Company’s Vogtle project, has been warning other state regulators about embarking on a new nuclear project without explicit cost protection from the federal government. The third and fourth Vogtle reactors started construction in 2013, about a decade after the planning process began; the final reactor was completed and started putting power on the grid in April, some $35 billion later (the project was originally expected to cost $14 billion).
And that was a successful project. A similar project in South Carolina was never completed and took down the utility, SCANA, that planned it, even resulting in a two-year federal prison sentence for its chief executive, who was convicted of having “intentionally defrauded ratepayers while overseeing and managing SCANA’s operations — including the construction of two reactors at the V.C. Summer Nuclear Station.” Westinghouse, which designed the reactor in operation at Vogtle, known as the AP1000, itself went bankrupt in 2016.
Echols is proud of Vogtle now. “Finishing those AP1000s at Vogtle changed everything,” Echols told me in an email. “People are looking past the overruns and celebrating this as a great accomplishment.”
But he’s pretty sure no one else should do it like Georgia did, with a utility using ratepayer funds for a nuclear project of uncertain cost and duration. “So many of my colleague regulators in other states don’t feel there are enough financial protections in place yet — and that is holding them back,” Echols told me. “The very real possibility of bankruptcy exists on any of these nuclear projects, and I am not comfortable moving forward with some catastrophic protection — and only the federal government can provide that.”
Granholm and other DOE officials including Jigar Shah, head of the Loan Programs Office, have expressed puzzlement at this view. At the ANS conference, Granholm pointed to “billions and billions and billions” that the federal government is offering in terms of loan guarantees (from which Vogtle benefitted under presidents Obama and Trump) and investment tax credits that, according to the Breakthrough Institute’s Adam Stein, could amount to “around 60% cost overrun protection” when combined with DOE loans.
It’s unlikely that Republicans would be more interested in this level of cost protection than Democrats. Shelly Moore Capito, the West Virginia Republican who helped shepherd a recent nuclear regulatory reform bill through Congress, told Politico, “I don’t think the government should be in the business of giving backstop.”
Echols conceded that Shah “is right in saying the deal is better than it was when we started our AP1000s,” but still said the possibility of bankruptcy was too daunting for state utility regulators.
While technology companies that want to buy clean electrons have demurred about actually financing construction of next generation “advanced” nuclear plants, Echols predicted that “companies like Dow, Microsoft, or Google build a [small modular reactor] before any utility in America can finish another AP1000,” referring to the reactor model at Vogtle, which is about one gigawatt per reactor, compared to the few hundred megawatts contemplated by designs for small modular reactors.
Dow is currently working on a gas-cooled reactor project with X-energy that would provide both power and industrial steam. The reactor would operate at a higher temperature than the light water reactors that dominate the U.S. nuclear fleet. TerraPower, the Bill Gates backed startup that has received billions of dollars in federal support, started construction on the non-nuclear portion of its Natrium plant in Wyoming earlier this year, while a number of other advanced reactor projects are at various stages of design and preparation. There’s only one design that’s received certification from the NRC, however, and the company behind it, NuScale, saw its one active project to build a plant collapse due to rising costs.
As Breakthrough’s Stein told me, “It’s not really going to be a question of large LWR vs. SMR or water-based SMR vs advanced. We’re going to need a mix of technology to get to net zero, just like we need a mix of nuclear and non-nuclear. “The nuclear space is not nearly as homogenous as photovoltaic space — it’s not all one technology with different advantages that can fit different niches.”
Much of the Department of Energy’s work in past years has been in funding and supporting the development of these “advanced” reactors, which are supposed to be more efficient and safer than existing light-water reactor designs and can serve more discrete purposes, including industrial processes like steam. Last week, Granholm announced almost $1 billion of money from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law for the construction of small modular reactors. The ADVANCE Act, which passed the Senate last week, was designed to help make reviews of these reactor designs faster, cheaper and more focused.
“I think the Vogtle experience and what that means for ratepayers makes it very, very unlikely that another utility is going to step up and ratebase a big first-of-its-kind, firm, flexible generation technology,” Jeff Navin, a former Department of Energy official and partner at the public affairs firm representing TerraPower, told me. “The challenges facing financing nuclear are the same challenges that you're going to face with carbon capture, with large-scale hydrogen production, with enhanced geothermal, with all of these others technologies that we all know we need to have to solve climate change. But we don't really know how to finance these things.”
Many analysts think that if we get advanced reactors, it will likely be sometime in the early 2030s. “Optimistically, maybe 2032 we should have a couple of these things up and running,” Jacopo Buongiorno, a nuclear engineering professor at MIT, told me. “All the industry needs is one winner, and the floodgates might open.”
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Lower borrowing costs aren’t enough to erase the threat of tariffs and Trump.
It won’t rescue the renewables industry, but at least it’s something.
The Federal Reserve announced today that it will cut the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage points, bringing it down to between 4% and 4.25%. Fed officials also projected quarter-point rate cuts at the last two meetings of the Federal Open Markets Committee this year.
This may provide some relief to renewables developers and investors, who are especially sensitive to financing costs. “On the financing side, high rates are never going to be exactly a good thing,” Advait Arun, a climate and infrastructure analyst at the Center for Public Enterprise, told me. “I think in this case, it’s going to be good that we’re finally seeing cuts.”
Because the fuel for solar and wind energy is essentially free, the lion’s share of the cost to develop these energy sources comes up front, meaning that interest rates can have a disproportionate effect on how projects pencil out. Renewable projects also tend to carry more debt than fossil fuel projects, according to energy consultancy Wood Mackenzie. When interest rates rise by 2 percentage points, the consultancy estimated, the levelized cost of electricity for renewables rises by 20%, compared to 11% for a gas-fired power plant, which might have higher operating costs but less need to borrow.
But the challenges for the renewables industry go well beyond financing. Developers are still wondering how they will be able to use Chinese-linked components without losing eligibility for clean energy tax credits. Those tax credits now come with a ticking clock after the passage of this summer’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which shortened the eligibility period for wind and solar projects. The Treasury Department also tightened the definition of what it means to “start construction,” making qualification even more of a race. All the while, the Trump administration’s regulatory assault on the sector, especially wind, has led to project cancellations across the industry.
“High interest rates obviously impact the business, but there are a lot of other headwinds and other things going wrong, as well,” Gautam Jain, a senior research scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, told me. “If anything, compared to the beginning of the year, rates have come down quite a bit.”
Maheep Mandloi, an analyst at the investment bank Mizuho Securities, wrote in a note to clients that renewable stocks rose last week in part because investors saw yields falling on 10-year government bonds. Ten-year Treasuries are a widely used benchmark for corporate debt, and when they get cheaper, it often means that companies can access financing more cheaply.
Falling 10-year yields are also a sign that the market anticipates a Fed rate cut. So far this year, the 10-year Treasury bond yield has fallen from 4.57% to 4.00% as of Wednesday afternoon after the rate cut was announced.
Lower borrowing costs are a welcome transition for the industry. Borrowing costs started to rise dramatically in 2022, as the Fed hiked interest rates to combat the worst inflation the U.S. had seen since the early 1980s. Annual price increases had been bouncing around or even below 2% since the 2008 recession before climbing to as high as 9% in the summer of 2022, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which led to an energy price shock. The uneven and stimulus-fueled economic recovery from Covid-19 also created price instability throughout the economy, including the renewable energy industry.
Renewable energy businesses in particular were hammered by higher interest rates, as well as higher costs for commodities like steel and for final products like solar panels.
Even as unprecedented government support flowed into the renewables industry from the Inflation Reduction Act, signed in August 2022, clean energy stocks continued to stagnate, with the iShares Clean Energy ETF falling over 30% from the beginning of the Biden administration through the end of 2023. (Despite the assault from the Trump administration, the index has actually risen about 30% so far this year after falling in the fall and winter of 2024, as uncertainty around the IRA’s tax credits has dissipated.)
One of the poster children for renewables dysfunction is the Danish wind developer Orsted, which has been a victim of just about every brickbat thrown at the industry. In its most recent financial statement, the company said that its future earnings estimates were imperiled by “assumptions with major uncertainty,” which included “investment tax credits, interest rates, imposed tariffs in the U.S., and the supply chain.”
Home solar giant Sunrun, too, has cited financing stresses. In its most recent quarterly report, the company disclosed that “rising interest rates, including recent historic increases starting in 2021 … [are] reducing the proceeds we receive from certain Funds.” It also acknowledged that “because our financing structure is sensitive to volatility in interest rates, higher rates increase our cost of capital and may decrease the amount of capital available to us to finance the deployment of new solar energy systems.” High rates, the company disclosed, “have impacted and may continue to impact our business and financial results.”
Even as rates come down, the renewable industry still has the Trump administration to contend with. The various agencies of the executive branch have shown little hesitation about getting in the way of renewable energy development, even for projects that are already nearly complete. The Treasury Department also has yet to issue guidance on complying with OBBBA’s rules about sourcing from Chinese suppliers, prolonging uncertainty for many in the industry. Trump’s tariff policy, too, remains a potential wildcard, as developers await a Supreme Court ruling on the legality of the president’s efforts thus far.
“In terms of being able to build more supply with the benefit of lower financing costs,” Arun told me, “I think this is where we’re running into all of the issues with delays in procuring components — the uncertainty regarding whether the tariffs will be struck down or not, and of course, changes to the inflation Reduction Act through the OBBBA.”
Last week, analysts at Rhodium Group projected that Trump’s policies could slow U.S. progress on reducing emissions by more than half.
For renewables developers, the rate cuts may be welcome, but everything else — and there’s a lot of everything else — may be what really matters, Jain told me. “All those things add additional uncertainty, and anybody who’s in the space will be aware that more could come,” he said. “Of course, lower rates will help, but it’s a combination of the two.”
On Democrats’ AI blueprint, more nationalized minerals, and the GOP’s anti-geoengineering push
Current conditions: Tropical Storm Mario is lashing the southwestern U.S. with rainstorms and potential flash flooding • The drought in the Northeast and the Ohio Valley is worsening, with rain deficits in major cities 15% below average • Tropical Cyclone Mirasol is bringing heavy rains to the Philippine island of Luzon.
The Trump administration announced a lawsuit Tuesday aimed at tanking Vermont’s Climate Superfund Act, which set up the nation’s first program to force fossil fuel companies to pay for adaptations to deal with the effects of warming temperatures. The Department of Justice said the legislation “will likely” impose “billions of dollars in liability on foreign and domestic energy companies for their alleged past contributions to climate change.” The motion, filed on Monday, comes months after the Justice Department filed an initial complaint in May targeting the law and similar legislation in New York, Hawaii, and Michigan.
“Like New York, Vermont is usurping the federal government’s exclusive authority over nationwide and global greenhouse gas emissions,” Acting Assistant Attorney General Adam Gustafson said in a press release. “More than that, Vermont’s flagrantly unconstitutional statute threatens to throttle energy production, despite this administration’s efforts to unleash American energy. It’s high time for the courts to put a stop to this crippling state overreach.”
Arizona Senator Mark Kelly. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
Arizona Senator Mark Kelly released a proposal Wednesday morning designed to give Democrats a roadmap to back the buildout of data centers to support the boom in artificial intelligence. The 16-page pitch makes no mention of novel tools grid operators are considering to force data centers to dial back electricity consumption when power supply is low, known as demand response. But the proposal does call for establishing a pipeline of projects to support large-scale clean electricity production from 24/7 sources. “While solar and battery storage dominate today’s pipeline, they alone can’t reliably power the AI,” the blueprint reads. “We must build an innovation pipeline for geothermal, nuclear, and other clean dependable sources, while also deploying near-term solutions that advance and strengthen our energy systems for the demands ahead.”
The value of finding ways to add more data centers before that large new power output is available is the big reason for supporting the curtailment of electricity usage at big server farms, Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin wrote last month. “Creating a system where data centers can connect to the grid sooner if they promise to be flexible about power consumption would require immense institutional change for states, utilities, regulators, and power markets.”
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The U.S. government is in talks to set up a multibillion-dollar fund for overseas mining projects to help counter China’s grip over the world’s critical mineral supply, the Financial Times reported. The Trump administration is discussing the effort with the New York investment firm Orion Resource Partners, and looking to establish the fund under the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation. The fund would invest in projects to produce minerals such as copper and rare earths. “These talks really show that the [Donald] Trump administration is trying to align its financial tools with its broader mineral ambitions,” Gracelin Baskaran, director of the critical minerals security programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, told the newspaper. “This public-private partnership stands to catalyze a significant amount of capital.”
The move is the latest effort by the Trump administration to take on a bigger role in the mining industry, which requires high upfront costs and years-long development timelines that pose problems for companies beholden to quarterly shareholder updates. In July, the Department of Defense took an ownership stake in MP Materials, the only active rare earths producer in the U.S., marking the most significant federal intervention in the private sector since Washington nationalized railways during World War I. In a sign of the dealmaking environment, Heatmap’s Katie Brigham wrote this month that “everybody wants to invest in critical mineral startups.”
The House of Representatives held a hearing Tuesday on the risks posed by weather modification and geoengineering technologies. Led by Georgia Republican Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, the hearing — entitled “Playing God with the Weather — a Disastrous Forecast” — examined the idea of manipulating the makeup of the atmosphere to artificially cool the planet, which is an emerging, if hotly contested, idea among some commercial startups. GOP officials such as Greene and Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., have raised concerns over what such technology could do. The issue took on a new partisan valence after the flash flooding that killed more than 135 people in Texas this summer, which Fox News suggested could be linked to cloud-seeding experiments underway in the region.
In his testimony, Christopher Martz, a meteorologist and policy analyst at the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, warned that there were still major uncertainties about the potential deployment of geoengineering technologies. At times, however, the questioning devolved into debates over the reality of settled science about the effects of fossil fuel emission on warming itself.
“Did man create the Ice Age?” Greene asked Martz at one point.
“No,” he responded.
“Yeah, right, so none of us were alive back then to know for sure,” she said.
Solar developer PosiGen is planning to pull out of three of its projects in Connecticut. The company told state officials late last month it would need to shut down its facilities, eliminating 78 jobs, as financing dried up for the projects. The move highlighted the challenges ahead for the solar industry as federal tax credits barrel toward next year’s phaseout deadline. In 2015, the Connecticut Green Bank helped fund low-and moderate-income homeowners’ purchase of solar panels through PosiGen. But the federal program backing the effort, known as Solar for All, is set to unwind under the Trump administration. The company expects to start laying off workers in Connecticut next week, according to the news site CT Insider.
Robert Redford died Tuesday at 89 years old. During his lengthy career and filmography, the actor fashioned himself as an activist voice for a number of causes, including the U.S. effort to decarbonize its electrical sector. In February 2016, after the Supreme Court paused the Obama administration’s Clean Power Plan, Redford accused the conservative justices of rendering a verdict “on the wrong side of history” in an op-ed in Time magazine. “It was a clear departure from how our courts normally handle government oversight. And I cringe at how we will have to answer to history. When our children and their children ask, ‘When the majority of Earth’s citizens — its scientists, military professionals, industrialists, and more — realized the threat of climate change was real, why didn’t you do more? Why did you delay?’”
Rob talks with Sarah Kapnick about our new era of energy insecurity.
We live in a new energy era — one in which the inputs and technologies key to clean electricity production are at the heart of international politics. What will that mean for decarbonization? And how should climate tech companies prepare?
On this week’s episode of Shift Key, Rob chats about those questions and more with Dr. Sarah Kapnick. She is the Global Head of Climate Advisory at J.P. Morgan, where she advises the bank's clients on climate, energy, biodiversity and sustainability topics. She was the former chief scientist at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration from 2022 to 2024, and was previously a research scientist at NOAA’s Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Laboratory in Princeton, New Jersey.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap, and Jesse Jenkins, a professor of energy systems engineering at Princeton University. Jesse is off this week.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts.
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Here is an excerpt from our conversation:
Robinson Meyer: When companies come to you looking for help navigating this particular moment — where federal policy is quite up in the air, where rates are coming down but kind of high, AI capex is surging — what advice do you give them for navigating this moment?
Sarah Kapnick: The advice that I give them is looking to some of those things that strategically are likely to have more consistency over time, and that they’re looking for those places of more consistency, and that they feel that they can invest in, that they will have support ongoing — particularly if it’s a project that lasts beyond administrations.
They’re really concerned with what they think is going to last. And then for the stuff that doesn’t, that there may be more volatility, they want to identify that volatility, and they want to think through, okay, how can I take opportunity now if I think there’s a small window for it? Or how do I plan for taking opportunity when the opportunity presents itself down the line?
And so, it’s a mixture of long-term planning and thinking through, strategically, where the world is headed and where they can fit in over time, yet also taking opportunities that either present themselves now or they have conviction that will present themselves soon, and then being ready to be the first when that opportunity presents themselves so that they can run with it.
Mentioned:
The New Map of Energy and Geopolitics
Previously on Shift Key: How China’s Industrial Policy Really Works
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by …
Hydrostor is building the future of energy with Advanced Compressed Air Energy Storage. Delivering clean, reliable power with 500-megawatt facilities sited on 100 acres, Hydrostor’s energy storage projects are transforming the grid and creating thousands of American jobs. Learn more at hydrostor.ca.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.