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The bugs are already out in New York and the West is in for ”a very bad spring.” Here’s what experts say is in store for the U.S. this year.
It got me in March.
Maybe it happened while I was on a run, enjoying one of the first warm days of spring. Maybe I’d been waiting unsuspectingly for the train on an open-air platform. Maybe it happened in my own apartment. Regardless, at some point last month, I hesitated too long before brushing away a soft, fleeting sensation on my cheek. In the ongoing, 10,000-year-long game of tag between mosquitoes and humans, I’d taken another L.
Though it’s only early April, many New Yorkers have already gotten their first bites of the year: interviewer Isaac Fitzgerald and interviewee James Hannaham were driven out of a backyard by the bugs in Brooklyn; the city’s Department of Health has officially declared “it’s mosquito season in NYC!” and started tweeting out standing-water advisories; and CBS’ local affiliate recently ran a segment about how “it’s going to be a bad summer” for biting insects. Other metropolitan areas are also bracing for a buggy season ahead: “It’s looking like it’s going to be worse than it has [been in] the past two years,” Minnesota’s MPR News reports. “Epic rains expected to take one more swat at California, with masses of mosquitoes,” adds the Los Angeles Times. “We could possibly see more mosquitoes than we wanted to see,” a biologist warned the Ohio area.
Predicting the severity of mosquito season is a bit of an imprecise science, like trying to nail down a long-range weather forecast. Actually, it’s a lot like trying to nail down a long-range weather forecast, since mosquito populations fluctuate based on immediate and unreliable conditions, like spring rainfall and small changes in temperature. Generally speaking, more rain tends to precede “a greater prevalence of mosquitoes within the same month,” while “hotter temperatures [are] associated with increases in mosquitoes one to two months later,” reports one study, which focused on Dengue-carrying Aedes mosquitoes in Sri Lanka. (Invasive Aedes mosquitoes are also found on both U.S. coasts and throughout the South, with their habitats shifting north toward Chicago due to climate change.)
Mosquitos require standing water and temperatures steadily above 50 degrees Fahrenheit in order to start their breeding cycles. In the western United States, in addition to spring rainfall, natural occurrences of standing water are created by snowmelt, which causes floods that dry into perfect mosquito-breeding pools. Snowpack in the West, then, is one of the best early determinants of the coming mosquito season — unfortunate news for Californians, since their state broke a 40-year snowfall record over the winter. “Many places out west where they’ve received record rainfall and snowfall, they’re likely to have a very bad spring,” Daniel Markowski, the technical director of the American Mosquito Control Association, told Heatmap.
Snowmelt can also be a determining factor in the Midwest and East, where fears of spring flooding are already high. That said, their spring mosquito seasons are “less dependent upon the snow” than the West since they “always get at least some snow in many of the same areas,” Markowski went on. The bigger variable for the region is spring rainfall and how early it gets warm.
Mixed news on that front: NOAA expects the East Coast to be warmer than usual from April through June, with above-average precipitation concentrated around the Great Lakes region and potentially stretching south and seaward, through Pennsylvania, New York City, and the D.C.-area. Though the severity of the coming mosquito season is thus still a bit of an unknown, the stakes are high: Last year saw the largest number of ever recorded West Nile virus-positive mosquito pools in New York City, resulting in four deaths. There’s every indication that could happen again in 2023: “We expect mosquito and tick activity in NYC to be at similarly high levels,” M&M Pest Control, a Long Island City-based exterminator, writes on their website.
Warmer temperatures in the south and east could mean earlier emergences of mosquitoes.NOAA
Rainfall in most of the United States is expected to be normal this spring, but potential damp conditions around the Great Lakes and southern Acela Corridor could increase mosquito populations.NOAA
In the South, mosquito populations are “almost all rainfall- and temperature-driven” because snow is not the primary cause of standing water in the region, according to Markowski. While temperatures might not yet be high enough in the region for a major larvae boom, recent storms have authorities “concerned right now in southeast Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Tennessee about mosquito populations,” Markowski said. Not to mention another reason for the South to be on high alert: Culex lactator, a species of mosquito native to South and Central America, has been discovered spreading throughout southwest Florida. Though it hasn’t been extensively studied, we do know Culex is a potential vector for West Nile and St. Louis Encephalitis.
Of especially high concern for infectious disease experts this year will be a place not usually thought of for its mosquitoes: Phoenix’s Maricopa County. Back in 2021, the region experienced the largest single outbreak of West Nile virus in U.S. history, likely due to a wetter-than-average monsoonal season; statewide, 127 people died. This year, winter snowmelt and spring rains have pulled the region out of its drought, but once the floodwaters start to recede, they’ll create major mosquito breeding grounds, NBC’s 12 News reports. The wetter desert environment will also attract more birds — the natural hosts of West Nile virus.
So while there is no guarantee that 2023 is going to be another “monster mosquito season” for the U.S. like 2021, there is no guarantee it won’t be, either. We know the West is unusually wet, which will almost certainly mean more bugs, while the Midwest and East are likewise tracking warm and damp. In the South, where storms are one of the biggest causes of standing water, there are fears that this year’s record number of early-season tornadoes is only a “prelude” of what’s to come.
That makes it all the more important to minimize mosquitoes where we do have some control: “What I try to get people to understand is, just as nature — rainfall, snowfall amounts; temperatures — impact mosquito problems, we have a lot of control over what bites us in our backyards,” Markowski said. “If we’re over-watering our property, or we’re allowing water to stand on our property, you’re making mosquitoes right there that bite you.”
Meanwhile, in New York City, the warmest days of the year so far are expected this week. Short-sleeved, sun-starved urbanites will be out in droves.
As will be mosquitoes.
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It was a curious alliance from the start. On the one hand, Donald Trump, who made antipathy toward electric vehicles a core part of his meandering rants. On the other hand, Elon Musk, the man behind the world’s largest EV company, who nonetheless put all his weight, his millions of dollars, and the power of his social network behind the Trump campaign.
With Musk standing by his side on Election Day, Trump has once again secured the presidency. His reascendance sent shock waves through the automotive world, where companies that had been lurching toward electrification with varying levels of enthusiasm were left to wonder what happens now — and what benefits Tesla may reap from having hitched itself to the winning horse.
Certainly the federal government’s stated target of 50% of U.S. new car sales being electric by 2030 is toast, and many of the actions it took in pursuit of that goal are endangered. Although Trump has softened his rhetoric against EVs since becoming buddies with Musk, it’s hard to imagine a Trump administration with any kind of ambitious electrification goal.
During his first go-round as president, Trump attacked the state of California’s ability to set its own ambitious climate-focused rules for cars. No surprise there: Because of the size of the California car market, its regulations helped to drag the entire industry toward lower-emitting vehicles and, almost inevitably, EVs. If Trump changes course and doesn’t do the same thing this time, it’ll be because his new friend at Tesla supports those rules.
The biggest question hanging over electric vehicles, however, is the fate of the Biden administration’s signature achievements in climate and EV policy, particularly the Inflation Reduction Act’s $7,500 federal consumer tax credit for electric vehicles. A Trump administration looks poised to tear down whatever it can of its predecessor’s policy. Some analysts predict it’s unlikely the entire IRA will disappear, but concede Trump would try to kill off the incentives for electric vehicles however he can.
There’s no sugar-coating it: Without the federal incentives, the state of EVs looks somewhat bleak. Knocking $7,500 off the starting price is essential to negate the cost of manufacturing expensive lithium-ion batteries and making EVs cost-competitive with ordinary combustion cars. Consider a crucial model like the new Chevy Equinox EV: Counting the federal incentive, the most basic $35,000 model could come in under the starting price of a gasoline crossover like the Toyota RAV4. Without that benefit, buyers who want to go electric will have to pay a premium to do so — the thing that’s been holding back mass electrification all along.
Musk, during his honeymoon with Trump, boasted that Tesla doesn’t need the tax credits, as if daring the president-elect to kill off the incentives. On the one hand, this is obviously false. Visit Tesla’s website and you’ll see the simplest Model 3 listed for $29,990, but this is a mirage. Take away the $7,500 in incentives and $5,000 in claimed savings versus buying gasoline, and the car actually starts at about $43,000, much further out of reach for non-wealthy buyers.
What Musk really means is that his company doesn’t need the incentives nearly as bad as other automakers do. Ford is hemorrhaging billions of dollars as it struggles to make EVs profitably. GM’s big plan to go entirely electric depended heavily on federal support. As InsideEVsnotes, the likely outcome of a Trump offensive against EVs is that the legacy car brands, faced with an unpredictable electrification roadmap as America oscillates between presidents, scale back their plans and lean back into the easy profitably of big, gas-guzzling SUVs and trucks. Such an about-face could hand Tesla the kind of EV market dominance it enjoyed four or five years ago when it sold around 75% of all electric vehicles in America.
That’s tough news for the climate-conscious Americans who want an electric vehicle built by someone not named Elon Musk. Hundreds of thousands of people, myself included, bought a Tesla during the past five or six years because it was the most practical EV for their lifestyle, only to see the company’s figurehead shift his public persona from goofy troll to Trump acolyte. It’s not uncommon now, as Democrats distance themselves from Tesla, to see Model 3s adorned with bumper stickers like the “Anti-Elon Tesla Club,” as one on a car I followed last month proclaimed. Musk’s newest vehicle, the Cybertruck, is a rolling embodiment of the man’s brand, a vehicle purpose-built to repel anyone not part of his cult of personality.
In a world where this version of Tesla retakes control of the electric car market, it becomes harder to ditch gasoline without indirectly supporting Donald Trump, by either buying a Tesla or topping off at its Superchargers. Blue voters will have some options outside of Tesla — the industry has come too far to simply evaporate because of one election. But it’s also easy to see dispirited progressives throwing up their hands and buying another carbon-spewing Subaru.
Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.