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We know surprisingly little about this kind of pollution — but researchers are on the case.
Despite presumably being an issue for the 300,000-plus years that humans have existed, we still know surprisingly little about wildfire smoke. As Eric Levitz writes at New York, the costs of wildfire smoke “are vast, and often undercounted” as they “extend beyond their direct medical impacts, as people lose time, money, and quality of life” to avoid the toxic haze.
With smoke from Canadian wildfires wafting over the United States once again, it’s becoming increasingly obvious that we need to unravel these mysteries. That’s where academics step in.
The work begins with what we know about pollution. For decades, researchers such as atmospheric scientists, public health scholars and economists have tried to understand the emissions that result from industrial activity. That work has given us tools to understand its impacts: The Air Quality Life Index “converts air pollution concentrations into their impact on life expectancy,” the OECD has taken aim at measuring its direct economic costs, and a Google Scholar search for “air pollution” yields 3,100,000 results.
But what we know about air pollution largely comes from research on the impacts of pollutants from human-created emissions like industry and transportation, said Joseph Shapiro, an environmental economist at U.C. Berkeley. Wildfire pollution has a different — and possibly more harmful — composition. And while industrial pollution is somewhat predictable, knowing when and where the next wildfire will begin is more challenging.
“There’s a lot more work that can be done,” Kenneth Gillingham, an economics professor at Yale, told me, despite there being a “whole suite of amazing scholars.” A Google Scholar search turns up 239,000 results for “wildfires” — and just 10,800 for “wildfire smoke.”
First, experts explained to me that we don’t have a well-rounded understanding of the smoke in economic terms, such as its total cost. But there are also many smaller but still vital pieces of the puzzle missing, such as a cost-benefit analysis of controlled burns, the best ways to protect indoor air quality, day-to-day microeconomic changes created by smoke, or the full extent of the disparities that exist in who experiences the worst of the smoke.
Many of these questions are at the intersection of environmental science and other disciplines. Gillingham, for instance, made the case that economists have the tools necessary to put numbers against these seemingly “intractable problems.”
“Until you put numbers to it, it’s hard to move opinion or policymakers,” Gillingham told me. “Economists are very adept at building the modeled framework … in thinking through the tradeoffs,” especially those “involved in different approaches to mitigating or adapting to climate change.”
One cost-benefit analysis that could offer immediate help is expanding the literature on the impacts of controlled burns, Shapiro said.
“Suppression has had lots of downsides,” he noted. “It’s just a matter of trying to make (wildfires) a more regular, natural process.”
A 2021 paper about wildfire risk in the U.S. raises this question directly: “Existing evidence does not provide a comprehensive understanding of how a given prescribed burning intervention … will change the timing, amount, and spatial distribution of smoke.” In other words: Controlled burns could be a salve for wildfire prevention, but we don’t know enough about their impacts to make them more widespread in public policy.
Another kind of research will help spell out the impacts of wildfires to the public — creating numbers and measures that can tell us their true costs.
The Air Quality Life Index, created by the University of Chicago’s Energy Policy Institute at Chicago, already offers one of those metrics. The map it produces at the intersection of economics, physical sciences, and public health is striking: Red hotspots show how many years of life an average person would gain if a country or province met WHO guidelines for PM2.5 pollution, particles smaller than 2.5 micrometers that pose health risks when inhaled.
The same metrics can expand to incorporate wildfire smoke: AQLI’s report has started to estimate the amount of life expectancy lost in a wildfire season (though it didn’t draw a causal connection between the wildfires and the life expectancy lost), said Christa Hasenkopf, director of AQLI — and internal discussions are considering how the index could further incorporate wildfires. Separately, a paper in The Lancet Planetary Health estimates that more than 33,000 people die annually due to PM2.5 released in wildfires.
An “amazing paper” could also bring together the full economic costs of wildfires — which are poorly accounted for already, as Marshall Burke has pointed out to Heatmap. That paper will do the most good if it serves as something of a collaborative aggregation, pulling together work on adaptation, environmental models, health, consumer behavior and other studies, Gillingham thinks.
Gillingham is especially interested in research that looks at the most micro-level impacts: Day-to-day consumer preferences and economic impacts that are visible as a result of smoky days. “What type of behavior changes do you see people making on the spot?” Gillingham wonders. Will air filter sales jump, or will PurpleAir units fly off shelves? If consumers don’t go outdoors, what will that mean for economic activity?
Hasenkopf, an atmospheric scientist by training, also thinks that a better understanding of how to protect the air quality of indoor public spaces, such as schools, will prove important in adapting to smoke.
Inequity underscores the broader conversation about air pollution: Hasenkopf is quick to point out the comparison between “the rightful reaction (to smoke) on the East Coast compared to the daily toll that air pollution is having in other places across the world.” Funding for air pollution research is limited, and parts of the world, the U.S. included, suffer from a “huge data monitoring issue.”
But the study of air pollution in America has also been one of the unequal nature of exposure to pollution. Gillingham, for instance, has written a paper about racial disparities in pollution from ports.
He wants to know if wildfire smoke has “disparate impacts, or is it hitting everyone?”
“In many cases, wildfire pollution just hits everyone.” Which, of course, is true: No New Yorker was exempt from the sepia-toned skies of early June, and every Chicagoan stepped into the same smoky air this week.
But just as there were inequalities baked into the COVID-19 pandemic, smoke hits different segments of society harder than others Early research, for instance, already shows that white, higher-income populations are more likely to be able to travel away from smoky conditions. Communities of color are at higher risk of asthma and other medical conditions easily exacerbated by smoke, to say nothing of the air purifiers and newer buildings with better HVAC systems that are more easily available to people in higher income brackets.
If numbers do move the political conversation and inform policy, the incentive to step up research — fast — is strong. Smoky days are looking like a months-long phenomenon across the country. It’s not enough to know if recess should be outside on a given day, we need to talk about improving the air students breathe indoors, too. It’s no longer a conversation that can be isolated to just one region, just as it never has been isolated to just one field.
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The Loan Programs Office is good for more than just nuclear funding.
That China has a whip hand over the rare earths mining and refining industry is one of the few things Washington can agree on.
That’s why Alex Jacquez, who worked on industrial policy for Joe Biden’s National Economic Council, found it “astounding”when he read in the Washington Post this week that the White House was trying to figure out on the fly what to do about China restricting exports of rare earth metals in response to President Trump’s massive tariffs on the country’s imports.
Rare earth metals have a wide variety of applications, including for magnets in medical technology, defense, and energy productssuch as wind turbines and electric motors.
Jacquez told me there has been “years of work, including by the first Trump administration, that has pointed to this exact case as the worst-case scenario that could happen in an escalation with China.” It stands to reason, then, that experienced policymakers in the Trump administration might have been mindful of forestalling this when developing their tariff plan. But apparently not.
“The lines of attack here are numerous,” Jacquez said. “The fact that the National Economic Council and others are apparently just thinking about this for the first time is pretty shocking.”
And that’s not the only thing the Trump administration is doing that could hamper American access to rare earths and critical minerals.
Though China still effectively controls the global pipeline for most critical minerals (a broader category that includes rare earths as well as more commonly known metals and minerals such as lithium and cobalt), the U.S. has been at work for at least the past five years developing its own domestic supply chain. Much of that work has fallen to the Department of Energy, whose Loan Programs Office has funded mining and processing facilities, and whose Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains hasfunded and overseen demonstration projects for rare earths and critical minerals mining and refining.
The LPO is in line for dramatic cuts, as Heatmap has reported. So, too, are other departments working on rare earths, including the Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains. In its zeal to slash the federal government, the Trump administration may have to start from scratch in its efforts to build up a rare earths supply chain.
The Department of Energy did not reply to a request for comment.
This vulnerability to China has been well known in Washington for years, including by the first Trump administration.
“Our dependence on one country, the People's Republic of China (China), for multiple critical minerals is particularly concerning,” then-President Trump said in a 2020 executive order declaring a “national emergency” to deal with “our Nation's undue reliance on critical minerals.” At around the same time, the Loan Programs Office issued guidance “stating a preference for projects related to critical mineral” for applicants for the office’s funding, noting that “80 percent of its rare earth elements directly from China.” Using the Defense Production Act, the Trump administration also issued a grant to the company operating America's sole rare earth mine, MP Materials, to help fund a processing facility at the site of its California mine.
The Biden administration’s work on rare earths and critical minerals was almost entirely consistent with its predecessor’s, just at a greater scale and more focused on energy. About a month after taking office, President Bidenissued an executive order calling for, among other things, a Defense Department report “identifying risks in the supply chain for critical minerals and other identified strategic materials, including rare earth elements.”
Then as part of the Inflation Reduction Act in 2022, the Biden administration increased funding for LPO, which supported a number of critical minerals projects. It also funneled more money into MP Materials — including a $35 million contract from the Department of Defense in 2022 for the California project. In 2024, it awarded the company a competitive tax credit worth $58.5 million to help finance construction of its neodymium-iron-boron magnet factory in Texas. That facilitybegan commercial operation earlier this year.
The finished magnets will be bought by General Motors for its electric vehicles. But even operating at full capacity, it won’t be able to do much to replace China’s production. The MP Metals facility is projected to produce 1,000 tons of the magnets per year.China produced 138,000 tons of NdFeB magnets in 2018.
The Trump administration is not averse to direct financial support for mining and minerals projects, but they seem to want to do it a different way. Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum has proposed using a sovereign wealth fund to invest in critical mineral mines. There is one big problem with that plan, however: the U.S. doesn’t have one (for the moment, at least).
“LPO can invest in mining projects now,” Jacquez told me. “Cutting 60% of their staff and the experts who work on this is not going to give certainty to the business community if they’re looking to invest in a mine that needs some government backstop.”
And while the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act remains very much in doubt, the subsidies it provided for electric vehicles, solar, and wind, along with domestic content requirements have been a major source of demand for critical minerals mining and refining projects in the United States.
“It’s not something we’re going to solve overnight,” Jacquez said. “But in the midst of a maximalist trade with China, it is something we will have to deal with on an overnight basis, unless and until there’s some kind of de-escalation or agreement.”
A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.