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On a $6 billion federal investment, solar geoengineering rules, and restoring nature

Current conditions: Hong Kong recorded its highest March temperature in 140 years • Miami’s Ultra Music Festival was evacuated due to severe weather • Tornadoes are possible today across east Texas and through the Lower Mississippi Valley.
As expected, the Biden administration today announced that 33 projects have been selected to receive a slice of $6 billion in government funding to speed up the decarbonization of America’s industrial sector. The projects cover some of the most energy-intensive industries, like cement, chemicals, steel, and food production. The Office of Clean Energy Demonstrations (OCED) expects the projects to cut the equivalent of more than 14 million metric tons of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions each year, which is equivalent to the annual emissions of 3 million gasoline-powered cars. The initiatives are also expected to help create a lot of new jobs, and about 80% of the projects are located in disadvantaged communities. Some project examples here:
A group of nonprofits is working on an open-source data set that lists every residential electrification incentive in the country. The ambitious project is called the National Open Data for Electrification (NODE) Collective, and it’s being organized by the North Carolina Clean Energy Technology Center, Eli Technologies, the Building Decarbonization Coalition, Rewiring America, and RMI, but they’re looking for additional collaborators and stakeholders as they build up the data set for eventual launch. “Government-funded rebates, tax credits, and other purchasing incentives can be a key driver of consumer adoption of pollution-free technologies like heat pumps, yet navigating fragmented and outdated data can be a confusing and frustrating process,” Andre Meurer, head of product at the Building Decarbonization Coalition, said in a press release. The NODE Collective is expected to cover more than 2,000 incentives on offer, from heat pumps and induction stovetops to home battery storage and electric panel upgrades, and the list will be maintained so nothing is out of date.
A group of environmental law professors and policy experts are urging the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to tighten the rules around weather modification in the U.S. so they apply more stringently to private solar geoengineering projects. NOAA’s existing rule “requires only a heads-up before experiments to modify the weather,” E&E News explained. In a petition filed this month, the experts requested NOAA update its rule in three ways: First, they want anyone applying to use solar geoengineering (which involves spraying aerosols into the sky to bring down temperatures) to report details of their project that can help gauge potential risks and impacts. Second, the petitioners want to see more reporting requirements for international geoengineering projects that could affect U.S. citizens. And third, they want NOAA to come up with a more comprehensive strategy to study and regulate solar geoengineering activities.
One of the European Union’s biggest environmental policies is in trouble. The nature restoration law would require countries to restore nature on 20% of their land and sea by 2030 in an effort to “help achieve the EU’s climate and biodiversity objectives and enhance food security.” More than 80% of Europe's natural habitats are classed as in poor condition. A vote on the law was canceled today after Hungary withdrew support, putting the regulation in jeopardy. The bloc’s green policies have come under increased scrutiny in recent months ahead of EU Parliament elections in June, especially after months of disruptive protests by farmers. However a poll published today found that more than half of European voters see fighting climate change as a priority.
The EPA last week imposed its largest fine yet to a company accused of attempting to smuggle greenhouse gases into the U.S. Resonac America must pay $416,003 and destroy 1,693 pounds of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) it tried to import illegally on four occasions. HFCs are used as refrigerants but are being phased out because they are “super climate pollutants” with far greater warming potential than carbon dioxide. The U.S. still allows imports of HFCs but only when companies apply for “allowances” – and those allowances are getting smaller each year, with the goal of reducing the country’s HFC consumption and production by 85% by 2036. As the phase-down continues, the EPA wants to discourage the development of an HFC black market by showing zero tolerance on illegal imports. Recently a California man was charged with bringing HFCs in from Mexico.
Brazil has seen a surge in proposed laws requiring water be provided at large events after an extreme heatwave during a Taylor Swift concert last year. The influx has been nicknamed the “ Taylor Swift effect.”
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.