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While the impact so far has been light, there are some snarls to watch out for.
The American renewables industry is a global industry. While the Biden administration has devoted three-plus years and billions of dollars to building up wind and solar supply chains in the United States, many of the components of renewable energy generation — whether it’s the cells that make up solar panels or the 1,500-ton monopiles that serve as the foundation for offshore wind turbines — are manufactured overseas in from Spain to Denmark all across East and Southeast Asia.
With the members International Longshoremen Association on strike in the U.S. due to a contract dispute with the United States Maritime Alliance, shutting down ports up and down the Gulf and Atlantic Coast, one might wonder, what happens to U.S. renewables development?
The answer so far is: Not much. The closure of these ports’ cargo operations has not yet had a massive effect on the U.S. economy outside of businesses that work directly with the shipping industry, like trucking. There is no single port — or coast, even — that serves as a chokepoint for renewables-related imports. Many components from East and Southeast Asia come through west coast ports that are staffed by longshoremen in a different union, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union; shipments were being diverted there for weeks leading up to the strike.
That’s not to say the industry can simply coast through a prolonged strike. But there are some differences between different sectors, especially wind and solar.
Much of the wind industry, especially offshore, runs on foreign-manufactured equipmentthat is then processed and assembled in the United States. “Almost 70% of all wind-specific imports that are tracked through trade codes came from Mexico, Germany, Spain, and India, with the remaining imports mostly from Canada and various countries in Europe and Asia,” according to a Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory report on the wind industry.
At least so far, much of the wind business — including the offshore wind business — appears to have largely dodged substantial issues from the strike so far.
Orsted’s work at three East Coast ports in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New York has been unaffected, a source familiar with the situation told me. And the Portsmouth Marine Terminal in Virginia, where 70 of those monopiles have been shipped, is continuing to operate normally, according to the Port of Virginia. (Virginia's offshore wind industry is still vulnernable to vagaries of international trade — last year, Siemens Gamesa cancelled a plan to build a blade manufacturing facility in Virginia, where Dominion Energy is working on an offshore wind project.)
While the East Coast is an active hub of offshore wind activity, if the greater wind industry were to be affected by a prolonged strike, it would likely happen in Texas, which is both a major importer of wind equipment and has the country’s largest wind power sector.
Texas is “the dominant entry point” for wind equipment, according to the Lawrence Berkeley report, with almost $1 billion in annual wind imports.
At least one of those ports is still operating. The Port of Galveston is so-far unaffected by the strike, a port spokesperson told me. The port has become a major importer of wind turbines. In June, the port said that 400 wind turbine components had come through the port just since April, and that another 300 or so would flow through “over the coming months.” So far this year, some 25,742 tons of turbine pieces have come through the port, largely from Spain, Denmark, and other countries in Europe.
Neighboring Port Houston, however, is being picketed and “not handling container operations at this time,” the Houston Chronicle reported. In the run-up to the strike, Port Houston said that imports of wind power equipment had “increased notably” in August. In 2020, the port imported some 19,000 tons of wind power equipment.
The Houston area also has a number of recently opened solar manufacturing facilities, where cells, often imported from Asia, are assembled into panels. Proximity to the port was one reason why the manufacturers set up in shop in the area, according to the Houston Chronicle. “When you look at Houston specifically, you have one of the best ports in the country,” SEG Solar chief executive Jim Wood said in a company release when the facility opened. (SEG Solar has said it plans to start manufacturing cells domestically, though it currently makes them in Indonesia.)
Sophie Karp, an analyst at KeyBanc, forecast in a note to clients that some renewables manufacturers could be “disproportionately affected” by the strike. U.S. manufacturer First Solar “is the top importer at the Port of Houston,” Karp wrote, importing the equivalent of 17,200 shipping containers in the last year. The Korean solar company Qcells, meanwhile, which has made massive investments in Georgia, is a major customer of the Port of Savannah, which has been shut down due to the strike and has imported 31,400 container equivalents, according to KeyBanc. Karp also speculated that companies like the inverter manufacturer Enphase or the solar tracking company Array “are likely to have some exposure through their supply chains as well.”
“If the strike continues for an extended period, supply disruptions in the U.S. solar market are likely,” Karp wrote — especially for solar companies “that do not have ample inventory cushion on the ground.”
Trade disruptions are nothing new for the solar industry, which saw imports slow in 2022after the passage of a law meant to ban companies from subsidizing forced labor in Xinjiang in Western China, where much of the raw material for the world’s polysilicon is mined. Just this week, fresh tariffs were slapped on solar cells from manufacturers in Southeast Asia, which officials say function as cover for Chinese solar businesses. In fact, the California Chamber of Commerce specifically warned of congestion in the state’s ports as solar companies hurried up their purchases of panels ahead of the new duty.
So far, the solar and renewables industry has been quiet about the strike, in comparison to their unified voice on tariffs. Other portions of the electrical industry have been more vocal.
“The electroindustry is one of the largest manufacturing sectors of the U.S. economy, with one of the most complex international supply chains of any industry,” Debra Phillips, president of the National Electrical Manufacturers Association, said in a statement. “Over $195 million per day of electroindustry goods, representing nearly 30% of the nation’s electroindustry imports, is now stranded in unloaded cargo ships, threatening widespread disruption to our critical grid infrastructure.”
NEMA was one of more than 250 business groups that signed a letter published Wednesdaythat called on the Biden White House to “to take immediate action to resolve this situation expeditiously.” While one major clean energy group, the American Clean Power Association, signed the letter, others such as the Solar Energy Industries Association and Advanced Energy United, did not.
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Current conditions: Colorado’s major snow storm will continue well into the weekend • More than 900 people in Pakistan were hospitalized in a single day due to extreme air pollution • Devastating flooding continues in Spain.
The world continues to underestimate climate risks, and irreversible tipping points are near, UN Secretary General António Guterres toldThe Guardian. “It is absolutely essential to act now,” he said. “It’s absolutely essential to reduce emissions drastically now.” His warning comes before the COP29 summit kicks off Monday in Azerbaijan, where negotiators are set to agree on a new global finance target to help developing countries with climate adaptation. Guterres said that if the U.S. leaves the Paris Agreement again under a Trump presidency, the landmark goal to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius would be “crippled.” Experts say 2024 is now expected to be the first full calendar year in which global temperatures exceed the 1.5 degrees target.
With climate-skeptic Donald Trump set to retake the White House in January, many are wondering what his policies will mean for U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. He’s likely to walk back pollution rules on cars and power plants, repeal some parts of the Inflation Reduction Act, boost oil and gas drilling, and pull out of the Paris Agreement. Jesse Jenkins, who leads the Princeton ZERO Lab and is co-host of Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast, said projected emissions will indeed be higher than they would under current policies, but “since Trump cannot repeal grants already awarded or tax credits already provided to date, and it is unlikely that every provision in IRA will be repealed,” they probably will remain lower than Jenkins’ so-called Frozen Policies scenario, which assumes no new climate policies since January 2021.
Jesse Jenkins/REPEAT Project
Varun Sivaram, senior fellow for energy and climate at the Council on Foreign Relations, added some global context: “Even with sharp Trump domestic climate policy rollbacks, the change in U.S. emissions is trivial on a global scale and far less meaningful than expected emerging economy emissions growth,” he said.
In case you missed it (we did!): Oil giant BP said in its most recent earnings report that it has abandoned 18 early-stage hydrogen projects. It still plans to back between five and 10 projects, but that’s down from the “more than 10” it had planned for. The move will save BP some $200 million, and “could have a chilling effect on the nascent hydrogen industry,” wrote Tim De Chant at TechCrunch.
Rivian reported Q3 earnings yesterday. Here are some key takeaways:
A new study published in the journal Communications Earth & Environment found that carbon dioxide emissions from private jets have risen by 50% over the last four years. The research analyzed data from about 19 million private flights (half of which were shorter than 300 miles) made by more than 25,000 private aircraft between 2019 and 2023. In 2023 alone, private flights resulted in about 15.6 million metric tons of CO2 emissions. Most private flights are taking place in the United States: The researchers say that while the U.S. is home to 4% of the global population, nearly 70% of all private aircraft are registered there. The 2022 FIFA World Cup was one of the most carbon-intensive events for private aircraft. Also on the list? The Davos conference and – uh oh – COP28.
Most private flights occur in the U.S. Communications Earth & Environment
Donald Trump’s election victory this week resulted in a $1.2 billion windfall for investors who bet against renewable energy stocks.
It was a curious alliance from the start. On the one hand, Donald Trump, who made antipathy toward electric vehicles a core part of his meandering rants. On the other hand, Elon Musk, the man behind the world’s largest EV company, who nonetheless put all his weight, his millions of dollars, and the power of his social network behind the Trump campaign.
With Musk standing by his side on Election Day, Trump has once again secured the presidency. His reascendance sent shock waves through the automotive world, where companies that had been lurching toward electrification with varying levels of enthusiasm were left to wonder what happens now — and what benefits Tesla may reap from having hitched itself to the winning horse.
Certainly the federal government’s stated target of 50% of U.S. new car sales being electric by 2030 is toast, and many of the actions it took in pursuit of that goal are endangered. Although Trump has softened his rhetoric against EVs since becoming buddies with Musk, it’s hard to imagine a Trump administration with any kind of ambitious electrification goal.
During his first go-round as president, Trump attacked the state of California’s ability to set its own ambitious climate-focused rules for cars. No surprise there: Because of the size of the California car market, its regulations helped to drag the entire industry toward lower-emitting vehicles and, almost inevitably, EVs. If Trump changes course and doesn’t do the same thing this time, it’ll be because his new friend at Tesla supports those rules.
The biggest question hanging over electric vehicles, however, is the fate of the Biden administration’s signature achievements in climate and EV policy, particularly the Inflation Reduction Act’s $7,500 federal consumer tax credit for electric vehicles. A Trump administration looks poised to tear down whatever it can of its predecessor’s policy. Some analysts predict it’s unlikely the entire IRA will disappear, but concede Trump would try to kill off the incentives for electric vehicles however he can.
There’s no sugar-coating it: Without the federal incentives, the state of EVs looks somewhat bleak. Knocking $7,500 off the starting price is essential to negate the cost of manufacturing expensive lithium-ion batteries and making EVs cost-competitive with ordinary combustion cars. Consider a crucial model like the new Chevy Equinox EV: Counting the federal incentive, the most basic $35,000 model could come in under the starting price of a gasoline crossover like the Toyota RAV4. Without that benefit, buyers who want to go electric will have to pay a premium to do so — the thing that’s been holding back mass electrification all along.
Musk, during his honeymoon with Trump, boasted that Tesla doesn’t need the tax credits, as if daring the president-elect to kill off the incentives. On the one hand, this is obviously false. Visit Tesla’s website and you’ll see the simplest Model 3 listed for $29,990, but this is a mirage. Take away the $7,500 in incentives and $5,000 in claimed savings versus buying gasoline, and the car actually starts at about $43,000, much further out of reach for non-wealthy buyers.
What Musk really means is that his company doesn’t need the incentives nearly as bad as other automakers do. Ford is hemorrhaging billions of dollars as it struggles to make EVs profitably. GM’s big plan to go entirely electric depended heavily on federal support. As InsideEVsnotes, the likely outcome of a Trump offensive against EVs is that the legacy car brands, faced with an unpredictable electrification roadmap as America oscillates between presidents, scale back their plans and lean back into the easy profitably of big, gas-guzzling SUVs and trucks. Such an about-face could hand Tesla the kind of EV market dominance it enjoyed four or five years ago when it sold around 75% of all electric vehicles in America.
That’s tough news for the climate-conscious Americans who want an electric vehicle built by someone not named Elon Musk. Hundreds of thousands of people, myself included, bought a Tesla during the past five or six years because it was the most practical EV for their lifestyle, only to see the company’s figurehead shift his public persona from goofy troll to Trump acolyte. It’s not uncommon now, as Democrats distance themselves from Tesla, to see Model 3s adorned with bumper stickers like the “Anti-Elon Tesla Club,” as one on a car I followed last month proclaimed. Musk’s newest vehicle, the Cybertruck, is a rolling embodiment of the man’s brand, a vehicle purpose-built to repel anyone not part of his cult of personality.
In a world where this version of Tesla retakes control of the electric car market, it becomes harder to ditch gasoline without indirectly supporting Donald Trump, by either buying a Tesla or topping off at its Superchargers. Blue voters will have some options outside of Tesla — the industry has come too far to simply evaporate because of one election. But it’s also easy to see dispirited progressives throwing up their hands and buying another carbon-spewing Subaru.
Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.