You’re out of free articles.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Sign In or Create an Account.
By continuing, you agree to the Terms of Service and acknowledge our Privacy Policy
Welcome to Heatmap
Thank you for registering with Heatmap. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our lives, a force reshaping our economy, our politics, and our culture. We hope to be your trusted, friendly, and insightful guide to that transformation. Please enjoy your free articles. You can check your profile here .
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Subscribe to get unlimited Access
Hey, you are out of free articles but you are only a few clicks away from full access. Subscribe below and take advantage of our introductory offer.
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Create Your Account
Please Enter Your Password
Forgot your password?
Please enter the email address you use for your account so we can send you a link to reset your password:

South of the border, Tesla quietly made its electric vehicles a little simpler.
The independent Tesla-tracking website Not A Tesla App recently shared news of a subtle change to the Tesla Model 3 that’s offered in Mexico compared to those for sale in the U.S. In place of the vegan faux leather that had been the sole option for its seats, Tesla offered ordinary cloth fabric as a choice. Luxury touches such as the heated or cooled seats aren’t available in this version of the Model 3. Nor is the rear touchscreen for backseat passengers to control their own temperature settings, a key addition to the redesigned Model 3 that recently debuted.
These changes don’t knock a lot off the cost of the EV: This rear-wheel drive 3 still costs 749,000 pesos, or about $40,000. But the introduction of a more stripped-down Tesla could be a signal that, just maybe, a more affordable Tesla is around the corner.
There’s no getting around it: Money may be the biggest stumbling block for EVs in the United States — at least as range anxiety dissipates thanks to better battery technology, growing charger networks, and people simply having more exposure to electric vehicles. The gap may be closing, but, in general, new EVs remain pricier than entry-level gas cars. Meanwhile, high interest rates are depressing auto sales of every kind and making comparably expensive EVs seem out of reach.
Electrics are expensive because of the costs to make their enormous batteries, the need to retool assembly lines to build a whole new kind of car, and other reasons mostly related to manufacturing. But on top of all that, they’re expensive because of how they’re positioned as a product. To get people excited about electric cars and see them not just as wimpy golf carts, carmakers led by Tesla sold the EV as the tech-forward ride of tomorrow. The look of EVs became all touchscreens and LEDs, smartphone features that meant to have us equate “electric” with “future.”
That design approach, combined with an emphasis on the zoominess an electric powertrain can deliver, gave EVs a sheen of luxury, even though the spartan conditions inside a Tesla bear little resemblance to the cushy environs of a Mercedes-Benz. It allowed Tesla — and Rivian and Lucid — to keep their startup companies afloat by selling expensive cars at the outset to maximize revenue. (It didn’t hurt that the high sticker price provided some room to hide the cost of the battery.)
That worked for the first phase of the EV revolution, when early tech adopters and climate-focused drivers jumped in. But that era is over. As the next era begins, success or failure will rest with the millions of people who make their car decisions on dollars and cents. The declining cost of batteries as companies get better at building them will help the electric vehicle get cheaper. But the other side of the coin is for companies to start selling the EV as just a car — a better one than your dinosaur gasoline-burner, yes, but not some smartphone on wheels sent back from the future.
This isn’t an entirely foreign notion. Cars have long been sold with various “trim levels” that include different packages of features at different price tiers. They’re usually designated by the alphabet soup you see at the end of a vehicle name, like Toyota Corolla XSE or Ford F-150 STX. In the case of the F-150, the extra technology and performance packages can double the starting price of $37,000.
You might think this is an annoying way to buy a car. The system hooks buyers with the promise of a low starting price, only for many to realize the car they actually want is $15,000 more. At the very least, though, it gives you the option to buy the cheap car if you can live without the fancier wheels, heated seats, and advanced suspension.
Gasoline cars could stand to do better in this regard, but it’s especially important for electric vehicles. Today’s market abounds with crossover EVs that pass themselves off as luxurious to get away with a price that bloats into the low $40,000s. Even with a few vehicles coming in the $30,000s, like the basic trim level of the Chevy Equinox EV and the promised revival of the Chevy Bolt, the useful-but-simple EV is a rare thing.
An EV is still an EV if it’s unremarkable. It’s just as good for reducing greenhouse emissions if it looks like my old Ford Escort on the inside: plain cloth seats, chunky physical buttons, and an analog speedometer on the dash. In many ways, it’d be better.
Perhaps this is the pathway to what Tesla, Ford, and others envision when they promise us the $25,000 EV. You’ll probably give up a little in terms of battery size and range, and lose some of the amenities and creature comforts. But what you get, finally, is a truly affordable EV. As someone who grew up on dead-simple transportation, I’d welcome it.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
And more of the week’s top news around project development.
1. Ada County, Idaho – Trump’s push for more data centers on federal lands is causing a lot more ruckus and catching another solar company in the cross-fire.
2. Carbon County, Wyoming – Tell me if you’ve heard this one before: The Trump administration just delayed a large fossil-free power project after criticism from a powerful Republican senator. But this time, it’s hydropower.
3. Crawford County, Wisconsin – Fighting transmission lines in Wisconsin is bipartisan now.
4. Highland County, Ohio – If you want good news, here’s a slightly positive story in Ohio.
A conversation with Tom Matzzie of the Investing in Tomorrow Coalition
This week’s Q&A is with Tom Matzzie, chair of the Investing in Tomorrow Coalition – a pro-renewables Super PAC fighting lawmakers of both sides of the aisle who spurn the sector. The Super PAC won quite a few victories during the primary season, successfully boosting challengers to hardline conservatives in the U.S. that fought for cuts to the Inflation Reduction Act and are no longer going to serve in the Lower Chamber. Matzzie, also CEO of solar firm CleanChoice Energy, is intent the sector must go on offense to win more public bipartisan support and survive the Trump 2.0 era.
I chatted with Matzzie to hear how he’s looking at the general election season. The conversation revealed to me they want the renewables industry to be seen as politically lethal. And they’re paying close attention to the Wisconsin gubernatorial race.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
So first of all, how is your role going to change as we go into the general elections?
We’re focused on accountability for elected officials who decide they want to attack the clean energy industry, making it harder for us to exist. We have elected officials who say they want to kill projects. Our industry employs hundreds of thousands of people, and we also deploy hundreds of thousands in capital, so we look at the attacks on the industry as something that needs accountability.
It’s not about people we just disagree with. It’s about the worst of the worst. And that will continue to be the focus.
We’re not announcing the new races as of yet. But if you look at what we did during the primary season we focused on members of the House Freedom Caucus who had a history of attacking the industry for their own political gain. We also supported a Republican during a primary who was being attacked by the chief NIMBY in her district.
Our M.O. will continue to focus on the House Freedom Caucus and people like them. These ideological trophy hunters on the far right are extremists.
By the end of the month, we’ll announce for sure. It’ll be a five-or-six week campaign towards Election Day.
How many candidates will be targeted?
No more than ten. I feel confident saying that.
Walk me through how you decide the message against these candidates?
The important thing is, we’re crafting a message about the industry. We’re telling a story about us. Whether we’re stronger or to be feared or to be ignored. So to that regard, the effectiveness and lethality of our political apparatus matters a lot.
While many voters care about our issues, in most elections, we’re not the top issues. There’s other things that would be more effective attacks on the incumbent or a way to build up a challenger. We go in, we do message research, we figure out the most efficacious way to move the voters we want to move, and this is the best practice in modern politics is to use data-driven approaches to targeting both voters and the message. What media they consume, how you reach them.
We’re telling a story about us, not just our issues.
As you determine what races to get into, how are you taking into account the whole “data center trojan horse” situation, like what’s happening in Wiscons–
So absolutely, we’re paying close attention to [GOP gubernatorial candidate] Tom Tiffany in Wisconsin, and his smear that every data center means 100,000 acres lost [for solar]. Which by the way, 100,000 acres of solar could probably power most of the upper Midwest. So yeah, we’re paying attention to what Tom Tiffany is saying in his race.
That’s the short way of saying it.
How is the data center backlash and the role it's playing in the midterms affecting your decision-making?
It’s not. We use a data driven approach on what to say, and you follow that approach without much concern because the data is better than rumors on the internet, for lack of a better term.
What we do know is that data centers that embrace solar and wind have received more popular support in those communities. Data centers that have community benefit agreements and more responsible purchase development have received better receptiveness.
If they’re concerned about a data center, they’re going to be even more concerned about natural gas on site. But we don’t see it showing up in the research at this point.
There’s a lot of research [showing] voters care about data centers but affordability is the primary thing showing up in the research as what voters are concerned about.
Current conditions: After starting to dissipate, Tropical Storm Fay has regenerated as a “zombie storm” in the Atlantic • Tropical Storm Nolo is barreling straight toward Hawaii’s Big Island, bringing yet more floods and powerful winds to a state still reeling from an unusual string of tempests • Temperatures just topped 105 degrees Fahrenheit in Laayoune, the biggest city in Western Sahara, the Morocco-control territory on Africa’s Atlantic coast.
Washington’s ultimate will-we, won’t-we legislative push appears to be leaning toward the latter, at least for now. Senate negotiations on legislation that would streamline permitting for energy projects stalled out Thursday as Democrats told Politico a deal won’t get done until after the midterm elections. The White House, meanwhile, has indicated that President Donald Trump’s concessions to Democrats to make the bill may no longer be on the table after November. While The Hill didn’t explain which compromises the administration would renege on, Democrats have been holding out for more assurances that the White House will halt its attacks on renewables and power lines. Betting markets, to the extent that they represent some crowd-sourced wisdom on the bill’s chances, still give permitting reform a nearly 78% chance of passing before 2027.
It’s the number the industry wants. It’s the number a report to Congress found is appropriate to compete with China’s soaring spending. Now American fusion could get its $10 billion. On Thursday, Californians Zoe Lofgren, the ranking member of the House Science Committee, and her Republican colleague Jay Obernolte, chair of the body’s Subcommittee on Research and Technology, introduced the American Leadership in Fusion Act, which would pump some $10 billion into the industry to commercialize the frontier nuclear energy technology, my colleague Matthew Zeitlin reported yesterday. “Fusion is the future, and this bipartisan bill is a major step in capitalizing on the promise of its emission-free power,” Lofgren said in a statement. “This bill will unleash a new era of fusion energy development in the United States.”

The Trump administration is cementing its, uh, rock solid relationship with Argentinian President Javier Milei. On Wednesday, the Export-Import Bank of the United States agreed to finance up to $7 billion in critical mineral projects in South America’s second-largest economy. The deal, announced during the United Nations General Assembly, lays the groundwork for what the U.S. State Department dubbed the Andes-Atlantic Corridor. The funding will also include investments in Argentina’s liquified natural gas sector, its power grid, and its rail and water transport networks to help get resources to port. “EXIM is moving boldly into the industries of the future,” EXIM Chairman John Jovanovic said in a statement. “To do this, we must secure our supply chains, support American jobs, and ensure American workers, products, and expertise reach all parts of the Western Hemisphere.”
Sign up to receive Heatmap AM in your inbox every morning:
At the start of this week, the Financial Times reported that biodiesel prices fell to an all-time low, becoming cheaper than most conventional marine fuels in the world’s largest production hotspot, the Netherlands’ port of Rotterdam. It’s a potential sign of things to come. A new study by the British think tank Chatham House and the Forest Stewardship Council found that global biofuels production is set to surge nearly 70% by 2030 as major producing countries increase fuel-blending mandates in response to the energy crisis brought on by the Iran War. In its write-up of the study, OilPrice.com noted that the U.S., the European Union, Brazil, India, and Indonesia have either adopted or proposed higher biofuel blending rules since the war began in February. That could bring knock-on effects. Ecofin Agency, a publication focused on Francophone African issues, highlighted that the new biofuels mandates could divert 36 million hectares of cropland to producing corn or sugarcane for fuels such as ethanol.
If, as Denmark’s intelligence services warned yesterday morning, Russia is indeed going to attack a NATO country sometime in the coming months, those numbers may yet go up.
The Department of Energy announced a $5.3 billion spending package Thursday to fund 31 grid upgrades across 26 states. Roughly $3.4 billion will come in the form of cost-share funding, with another $1.9 billion in direct federal spending, for projects that include reconductoring or rebuilding more than 1,500 miles of transmission lines and grid-enhancing technologies across another nearly 21,000 miles. Together, the agency expects the upgrades to increase capacity on the nation’s power lines by 23 gigawatts. “These investments will get more out of the infrastructure we already have, move more electricity across the grid, and help deliver affordable, reliable, and secure power that will fuel American prosperity for decades to come,” Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said in a statement.
Reconductoring — restringing power lines with more advanced wires — is, as my colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote in 2024, “a stupidly easy way to expand the grid.”
Let me set the mood for the last item today: Imagine the 1958 classic “Nel blu, dipinto di blu” by Italian crooner Domenico Modugno, with its famous line repeating the word volare — to fly — and replace it with dividere, the verb for “to split.” After parting ways with atomic energy in 1990, becoming the first country to completely exit nuclear power after the Chernobyl accident, Italy is getting ready to split atoms yet again. This week, NucNet reported, the Italian Senate gave final approval for a bill to legalize nuclear energy in the country again.