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And more from my conversation with Ray Long, president and CEO of the American Council on Renewable Energy
This week’s conversation is with Ray Long, president and CEO of the American Council on Renewable Energy, or ACORE. A representative of one of Washington’s most influential climate tech policy trade groups, Long is also a seasoned veteran of the energy sector across fossil and carbon-free power and now an industry thought leader based in Washington. I caught up with him at ACORE’s Grid Forum last week and asked him how companies are doing against NIMBYs.
Developers of gas infrastructure – are they spending more, less, or the same as renewable energy developers on community engagement? Who spends more on community engagement?
I just don’t know. I have no idea. It’s hard to gauge. And let’s talk about why – each company doesn’t disclose how much they spend on community engagement. You know, it’s not like you can go see who is registered to lobby in different areas, it’s not clear. I suppose you could go back after the fact and look at community benefit funds and those sorts of things that get put together but I’m just not sure if that’ll give you the snapshot that you’re looking for.
I’m curious if you feel if developers in renewable energy are spending enough of their capital on getting the consent of host communities.
Having worked for a renewable developer I can only speak from the perspective of the experience I had there. My sense is, across the industry, you’ve got different levels of companies that have different levels of sophistication and different levels of capabilities to do those things. And I’ll say this: even the sophisticated companies that are going in early, having the conversations and doing all the things that I would say would be a strategic way to getting it done… even they’re running into opposition. I don’t think it’s really any different than some of the fossil plants in my experience where there has been politicization.
Given the various degrees of sophistication and the various degrees of capacity, how would you score the renewable energy industry’s success rate at dealing with project opposition?
One of the places you can look at data is NEPA – the environmental impact statements. You know that NEPA impacts wind, solar, transmission, and fossil. Stanford [University] did this really interesting study where they looked back 10 years and they pulled all the environmental impact statements that had been submitted and then they graphed it, and they looked at it from the standpoint of which projects had been delayed, litigated, and ultimately canceled. Going in, if you go into Democratic offices and you talk to them in Washington, the impression a lot of us had was, I’d guess fossil projects would be the first. They’d be delayed the most, litigated the most, canceled the most. But it wasn’t. It was solar, wind… fossil’s fourth. That study was fascinating. That’s one of those things making the rounds now on the Hill as Democratic offices are considering the permitting and transmission bill.
But so many of these projects don’t require a NEPA review. How is the industry doing when it comes to dealing with the local county clerks?
I think it really depends on which technology, which company is going in. What’s their approach to it. It’s really hard to give a grade to the industry as a whole.
What would you say to a developer on best practices for community engagement in your view?
Number one, go into a community as soon as you think you have a project you’re going into. Start to talk to local people there about what their interests are and understand why. You’ve got to have a sense of curiosity, and develop an understanding of what people’s motivators are.
The second thing is hire local. Get some local people that you’re going to work with, who understand the community and can best advise you on it.
The third thing is, as you look to pull your project together and you think about your permitting structure, start to build in those things that the community cares about. Only then, when you have a line of sight on doing that, start the permitting process.
I certainly hope companies heed your advice.
Well if you look at the success record, companies that do that have a higher success record than those who don’t.
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And more of this week’s top renewable energy fights across the country.
1. Otsego County, Michigan – The Mitten State is proving just how hard it can be to build a solar project in wooded areas. Especially once Fox News gets involved.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Opponents of offshore wind in Atlantic City are trying to undo an ordinance allowing construction of transmission cables that would connect the Atlantic Shores offshore wind project to the grid.
3. Benton County, Washington – Sorry Scout Clean Energy, but the Yakima Nation is coming for Horse Heaven.
Here’s what else we’re watching right now…
In Connecticut, officials have withdrawn from Vineyard Wind 2 — leading to the project being indefinitely shelved.
In Indiana, Invenergy just got a rejection from Marshall County for special use of agricultural lands.
In Kansas, residents in Dickinson County are filing legal action against county commissioners who approved Enel’s Hope Ridge wind project.
In Kentucky, a solar project was actually approved for once – this time for the East Kentucky Power Cooperative.
In North Carolina, Davidson County is getting a solar moratorium.
In Pennsylvania, the town of Unity rejected a solar project. Elsewhere in the state, the developer of the Newton 1 solar project is appealing their denial.
In South Carolina, a state appeals court has upheld the rejection of a 2,300 acre solar project proposed by Coastal Pine Solar.
In Washington State, Yakima County looks like it’ll keep its solar moratorium in place.
And more of this week’s top policy news around renewables.
1. Trump’s Big Promise – Our nation’s incoming president is now saying he’ll ban all wind projects on Day 1, an expansion of his previous promise to stop only offshore wind.
2. The Big Nuclear Lawsuit – Texas and Utah are suing to kill the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s authority to license small modular reactors.
3. Biden’s parting words – The Biden administration has finished its long-awaited guidance for the IRA’s tech-neutral electricity credit (which barely changed) and hydrogen production credit.
A conversation with J. Timmons Roberts, executive director of Brown University’s Climate Social Science Network
This week’s interview is with Brown University professor J. Timmons Roberts. Those of you familiar with the fight over offshore wind may not know Roberts by name, but you’re definitely familiar with his work: He and his students have spearheaded some of the most impactful research conducted on anti-offshore wind opposition networks. This work is a must-read for anyone who wants to best understand how the anti-renewables movement functions and why it may be difficult to stop it from winning out.
So with Trump 2.0 on the verge of banning offshore wind outright, I decided to ask Roberts what he thinks developers should be paying attention to at this moment. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Is the anti-renewables movement a political force the country needs to reckon with?
Absolutely. In my opinion it’s been unfortunate for the environmental groups, the wind development, the government officials, climate scientists – they’ve been unwilling to engage directly with those groups. They want to keep a very positive message talking about the great things that come with wind and solar. And they’ve really left the field open as a result.
I think that as these claims sit there unrefuted and naive people – I don’t mean naive in a negative sense but people who don’t know much about this issue – are only hearing the negative spin about renewables. It’s a big problem.
When you say renewables developers aren’t interacting here – are you telling me the wind industry is just letting these people run roughshod?
I’ve seen no direct refutation in those anti-wind Facebook groups, and there’s very few environmentalists or others. People are quite afraid to go in there.
But even just generally. This vast network you’ve tracked – have you seen a similar kind of counter mobilization on the part of those who want to build these wind farms offshore?
There’s some mobilization. There’s something called the New England for Offshore Wind coalition. There’s some university programs. There’s some other oceanographic groups, things like that.
My observation is that they’re mostly staff organizations and they’re very cautious. They’re trying to work as a coalition. And they’re going as slow as their most cautious member.
As someone who has researched these networks, what are you watching for in the coming year? Under the first year of Trump 2.0?
Yeah I mean, channeling my optimistic and Midwestern dad, my thought is that there may be an overstepping by the Trump administration and by some of these activists. The lack of viable alternative pathways forward and almost anti-climate approaches these groups are now a part of can backfire for them. Folks may say, why would I want to be supportive of your group if you’re basically undermining everything I believe in?
What do you think developers should know about the research you have done into these networks?
I think it's important for deciding bodies and the public, the media and so on, to know who they’re hearing when they hear voices at a public hearing or in a congressional field hearing. Who are the people representing? Whose voice are they advancing?
It’s important for these actors that want to advance action on climate change and renewables to know what strategies and the tactics are being used and also know about the connections.
One of the things you pointed out in your research is that, yes, there are dark money groups involved in this movement and there are outside figures involved, but a lot of this sometimes is just one person posts something to the internet and then another person posts something to the internet.
Does that make things harder when it comes to addressing the anti-renewables movement?
Absolutely. Social media’s really been devastating for developing science and informed, rational public policymaking. It’s so easy to create a conspiracy and false information and very slanted, partial information to shoot holes at something as big as getting us off of fossil fuels.
Our position has developed as we understand that indeed these are not just astro-turf groups created by some far away corporation but there are legitimate concerns – like fishing, where most of it is based on certainty – and then there are these sensationalized claims that drive fears. That fear is real. And it’s unfortunate.
Anything else you’d really like to tell our readers?
I didn’t really choose this topic. I feel like it really got me. It was me and four students sitting in my conference room down the hall and I said, have you heard about this group that just started here in Rhode Island that’s making these claims we should investigate? And students were super excited about it and have really been the leaders.