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A conversation with Jason Clark, former chief strategy officer for American Clean Power

With the election approaching, I wanted to talk to the smartest person I could find to explain how the election could affect the Inflation Reduction Act and ultimately renewable energy development. So I hit up Jason Clark, who was until recently chief strategy officer for American Clean Power during passage of the Inflation Reduction Act and the first years of IRS guidance.
Clark, who has started energy policy consulting firm Power Brief, put together a risk profile for every major IRA program in the event of unified Republican control in Washington. I talked to him about the risk analysis, what programs are most at risk, and whether we should care about oil companies supporting some parts of the law.
Why did you do this?
I spent the last six months traveling the world and during that time, I was blissfully tuned out on politics. Now that I’m back in D.C., and given how consequential this election is going to be – suffice it to say, I’m tuned back in.
I was close to the IRA drafting process – I’m familiar with the underlying bill and also how the government thinks about the programs. I recently started a company, Power Brief, that marries my love for clean energy policy and my old consulting habits: pretty visuals and PowerPoints. And looking at what might happen to the IRA felt like THE big thing happening in the space right now, so I wanted to dive deeper.
A lot of the content has been “will they/won’t they” analysis. How much do Republicans feel strongly about this bill overall? How much passion would Trump have for pushing for a full repeal? It’s been out there. But this is so complicated and has so many moving parts. I wanted to try and capture both the political reality for some of these programs and also the very practical reality of how the government thinks about the cost of these programs. The fact it can all be contained in one visual is to help people who care about climate policy and want to really understand what may happen depending on how the election turns out.
We know Congress is going to take a stab at a new tax bill next year. I’ve written about how the IRA would be targeted in that situation. Can you help our readers understand why these programs would be vulnerable in tax talks?
Classic partisan politics in D.C. By the nature of using reconciliation, the IRA was ultimately purely Democratic-led and that automatically paints it with a certain color. I think that [former] President Trump has been very unshy about criticizing the IRA, and when he doesn’t use the IRA moniker, he uses different monikers thereof. And people are going to be looking for the easiest path [to money to extend the Trump-era tax cuts].
What I don’t think is that it’ll be thrown out entirely. We’ve seen members of the House and Senate express support for parts of it–
Republicans?
Correct. There was a letter from 18 House Republicans to the [House] Speaker [Mike Johnson] saying we shouldn’t just throw this out, we should really look at it. And I think that there’s a lot of people who look at where the investment from the IRA is flowing – a lot of the dollars are going to Republican-controlled states and districts. Yes, that may insulate the whole bill from repeal outright but a lot of that is announced investment but hasn’t turned into steel on the ground and jobs yet.
So your chart singles out EV tax credits as most vulnerable to repeal. Why?
The universe of electric vehicle tax credits is fully at risk. We’ve seen it from Republican voters – constituents! – who feel that EVs are just some type of government mandated, this is some car you have to buy. But it also happens to be very, very expensive. When the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT} crunches the numbers about what this is going to cost between now and 10 years from now, it’s one of the most expensive portions of the legislation. So when you look at it and ask how much is it going to cost to ax this and give us the most savings in the tax code? You get this.
The IRA didn’t create these credits though. It simply expanded them. You think the entire credit could go away in a Republican trifecta?
I think the entire EV tax credit.
Okay. So next up on the chopping block per your chart is the renewable energy investment tax credit, or ITC. Why?
“Both the ITC and the PTC [production tax credit] when they shift into this new tech neutral paradigm have the same risk profile. For these, I don’t think it’s necessarily going to be a full repeal. I think the data about how much money is going into Republican districts is legitimate, and I think it will materialize. But there’s many spectrums of levers that someone can pull.
The tech neutral credit doesn’t end on a certain calendar year date. It ends when the U.S. sector hits a certain emissions target. The credit continues until that moment in time. One way to make the credit look less expensive on paper is to say, no, we are going to end it at a certain point. Take 2030 or 2032. You could codify a timeline on it, so the JCT won’t score the out-years on how expensive the credit is going to be. That is one version of it.
Another version of it is that there’s a base credit and then there’s added layers, like wage requirements or low-income area benefits. And that’s another thing you could pull to say, look, we’re not going to do that anymore.
What would be the impact on developers?
I don’t think a lot of folks appreciate just how long range some of this planning is, how long it takes to permit something, how long it takes to figure out the interconnection queue.
Companies aren’t thinking what are we going to build this year – they’re thinking what will be put online in 2035. So if the government changes the stability of that, companies start to pull back and say hey, let’s not go too crazy in the outyears. Baseline? It means fewer clean energy projects come online. The industry has been banking on a certain level of certainty to plan against. Any shockwave against that and some companies are going to look and ask if they have the assurance to move forward with this or not.
Okay well, candidly, to that I say: woof. So okay, your chart labels the PTC and energy efficiency credits as vulnerable. Why are they at risk if they cost less than other programs?
There are going to be certain things where the dollars and cents lose out to the political policy realities. On energy efficiency, it would be easy to make that whole category a continuation over the fight on gas stoves or heat pumps and frame them as tax credits for wealthy people to do expensive stuff on their homes, costing the rest of the country. I don’t think it’s as much of a kitchen table conversation per se but it’s up there. Even if it doesn’t save them that much money, it does face the risk of being that low-hanging fruit.
Well, alrighty then. What about 45X? That’s pretty crucial to many manufacturers out there today.
I think both Democrats and Republicans can stand behind more domestic manufacturing coming to the United States. That’s something that is a bipartisan consensus and reducing that, harming that, will pose a liability for politicians. Now similarly, you could shorten the window and amounts, but at the end of the day, it’s a lot more politically resilient despite being seen as the most expensive part of what was included in the IRA.
You ranked about half of the IRA’s programs – hydrogen, carbon capture, sustainable aviation fuels, and more – as being both low cost and at low risk for repeal. Why?
What they benefit from is a greater resonance with Republican policymakers. Carbon capture and sequestration, sustainable aviation fuels and biofuels, hydrogen – all of these things get more of a shrug with Republicans when you talk to them. And that is why you see major oil and gas groups come out and say, hey, let’s not repeal the whole IRA.
But repealing the programs at risk while keeping these other programs… how would that outcome impact the pace of decarbonization?
Drastically. It would effectively remove the economic premise for all future renewable energy generation. It gets rid of a key driver of the shift toward electric vehicles. I think if you repealed everything in the red, then I think what you’ve done is you’ve gotten rid of all the reasons capital is pouring money into renewable energy projects and storage right now. In that scenario you’d see a drastic slowdown in climate ambitions in the electric power sector and also the EV transition that’s been happening.
So… the oil companies telling Trump to keep some of the IRA is a cold comfort, then?
Knowing it doesn’t go away fully is a cold comfort looking at this risk analysis.
What did this exercise teach you about the IRA?
I think that a lot of the net benefit of the decarbonization that translates to jobs and economic development is really, really close, and a lot of what is in the IRA would be lower risk if more of that had been pushed through faster. I think implementation and the natural barriers of the lack of transmission, siting and permitting challenges… There's a confluence of things that make it hard to quickly double the size of the sector but a lot of stuff is coming. But there’s capital behind it, plans behind it, and I think they’re going to build a lot more. As they do that, the sentiment is going to change behind it, but we have to get to that promised land first.
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What’s the deal with all those “America Connects” videos?
The data center lobby is launching a big PR blitz on television and social media, racking up millions of views on evidently AI-generated content boasting economic impacts from new projects and hitting against criticism around energy and water use.
In an interview with me Wednesday, Data Center Coalition CEO Josh Levi explained how and why his organization – the largest and most prominent data center trade group – stood up an “evolving” national advertising campaign called America Connects.
Like me, up until now, you might’ve interacted with the campaign’s materials without knowing it. For weeks I’ve been getting texts from people in my life who know I write about data centers asking if I’d seen these ads on TV streaming platforms and social media sites boasting benefits from data centers, or pushing back on complaints about energy and water use. Most of the videos were quite similar, appeared to be generated using AI (with no AI labeling), and were racking up millions in views and impressions.
“Our paychecks, our hospitals, our national security – all run through data centers,” states one voiceover in a YouTube ad targeted at the Longhorn State with more than 12 million views as of today.
“In Texas, they’re doing more than keeping us connected. Data centers support high-paying jobs and pay billions in taxes. Money that can lower your bills, make schools and roads better and communities safer. And new technology means data centers consume minimal water while funding new power generation for everyone. Data centers: built in Texas. For Texas.”
These videos each are hosted on channels named for specific campaigns in individual states. In Georgia, it’s called Connected Georgia. There’s a Texas Connects, an Indiana Connects, and a Pennsylvania Connects. At least eight state campaigns are happening right now and I’m told more should be expected in the near future. Each state campaign has a near-identical website with links to their promoted videos, statistics about state-level tax contributions, and employment from data centers, and a somewhat modern-looking red, white, and blue design with moving graphics on the landing page.
But finding out who was behind these videos and websites took a lot of digging. None of the state campaign websites have contact information and they were all registered by a proxy firm that gets web addresses for entities that want to remain anonymous. Most of the advertising itself was opaque; it’s not easy to research TV commercial spends and Google doesn’t disclose how much a company or person pays to promote individual ads. But there were signs of significant spending, as Meta’s Facebook and Instagram advertising disclosures revealed to me there was five-figure spending on static images, resulting in millions of potential impressions.
Eventually I was able to figure out what was going on. Each of the state campaigns also described themselves online as nonprofits but in fact, there is one nonprofit. It initially formed for the first state campaign, Virginia Connects. Its public 2024 tax disclosures show the campaign was formed by Levi and others working with the Data Center Coalition. On the DCC’s website, the trade group does have a landing page for what it calls “America Connects” and directs people to each state campaign but, as of today, the organization describes them as “regional coalitions” they “partner” with on “helping educate and engage citizens, policymakers, and other stakeholders on the data center industry, its benefits, and key issues including energy, water, economic development, and community engagement.”
In our interview, Levi explained these state campaigns aren’t just partners – they’re creations of a single nonprofit he said was “stood up” by the trade group named America Connects, and it began in 2024 through the Virginia Connects campaign. America Connects is now “a vehicle by which the broader community can engage and participate” in what Levi described as “broader industry messaging” that isn’t “just project by project.” It’s a direct response, Levi said, to the lack of any industrywide PR offensive challenging the mountain of public opposition to data centers shown in poll after poll. (With the exception of that one Meta ad campaign.)
“What we have heard very clearly is that a lot of the partners we work with, but also a lot of the voices from the public at large, is that the industry broadly needs to do a better job communicating. A better job talking about what we do, how we do it, and about the positive benefits of what localities can expect from data center development,” Levi said.
Levi told me the core of the group is at least three people: himself; Allison Gilmore, the chief operating officer of the DCC; and Kevin Hughes, the group’s treasurer and the chief external affairs officer at the data center developer STACK Infrastructure. He said I should expect “an expansion on the board” but declined to say who or what companies. Part of the team also includes LINK Public Affairs, a communications firm based in Virginia that helped on the initial campaign in the state.
I asked how an industry-backed campaign like this would help with the backlash. “Silence breeds mistrust, fundamentally. It is critically important as we see continuing conversations around the data center industry – what it does, what it doesn’t do, how it does – is part of informing those conversations,” Levi replied. “It is important the industry not be silent and be an active contributor in terms of the public dialogue around data centers. This is that.”
The DCC wouldn’t tell me how much is being spent on the America Connects campaign and it’s impossible to know from what’s publicly available.
Here’s what Levi would say about the money: that America Connects is funded by the data center “ecosystem generally,” including developers, companies within the supply chain, and “workforce voices.” But Levi wouldn’t even confirm if they were spending more than they had in just the Virginia campaign, which sort of logically has to be the case if they’ve expanded this effort.
“White it’s maybe not a satisfying answer, we will spend what we have to when it comes to ensuring we reach people where they are. But I’m not able to provide any kind of concrete number for you.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Richland Township, Louisiana - The Meta Hyperion project is suddenly now a central focus of activists and media coverage, just as it is seeking environmental permits for a key gas pipeline.
2. Memphis, Tennessee – Hyperion won’t be the first data centers that House Democrats go after if they retake the lower chamber in Congress though – that looks like it’ll be xAI’s Colossus projects. Congrats, Elon!
3. Clark and Nye Counties, Nevada – The federal government’s decision to use an environmental review for a solar farm on a data center instead, which I scooped earlier this week, quickly became a national story. Now the fight against the move is coming into focus.
4. Suffolk County, New York – Last but not least, we have to talk about the battery fire mess on Long Island because it’s a disaster in the making.
5. Montgomery County, Maryland – Bonus for you: my home county just instituted an 18-month moratorium on new data centers. I don’t really have much to add except, if the backlash has come to my neighborhood it’ll probably hit yours sooner rather than later.
This week’s conversation is with Peter Gardett, CEO of the AI-powered energy market research firm Noreva. Before helming the price and deal research consultancy, Gardett built a strong repertoire as an energy expert spearheading analysis at S&P Global, IHS Markit, and Argus Media. I reached out to Gardett because I wanted a candid conversation about the fuel choices data center companies are making under the Trump administration and, to my delight, Gardett was open to sitting in my hot seat.
Let’s get into it then. The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is the Trump 2.0 era affecting the choices data center developers are making when it comes to powering with gas versus alternative sources like renewable energy or nuclear power?
Well I think the question you’re asking is about natural gas, and what I tell people is every private equity firm has a behind-the-meter 1 gigawatt natural gas project they’d like to move forward. They’re familiar with the economics. They like the regulatory fortune for that fuel right now. They look at the futures curve and think the prices will be stable for this fuel in the future, I would argue discounting some of the likely volatility drivers that exist.
There’s clearly a rush to island yourself with your natural gas supply and let the rest of the world do what it might, if you’re a large hyperscaler.
If you look at the Meta facility in Louisiana – Hyperion – that’s a good example, or the X facility Colossus. The first mega data centers become the blueprints everyone would like to follow.
You brought up the regulatory appetite for gas infrastructure. How much of this rush to build gas from the industry side is due to federal policy changes?
Quite a bit. There have been major changes to implementation of the Clean Water Act that provably have been part of what’s enabled large construction of data centers and the accompanying power. It’s the same kind of shifts in oversight, when it comes to the Clean Water Act. We saw a proposal from the EPA to allow states to implement some parts of the Clean Air Act, which would certainly make it easier for them to build large gas generation that accompanies a large load.
It’s part of an entire emerging trend I theorize as “the great data center migration.” You have everyone moving down to the AI band, to West Texas to Georgia – that strip of states is where large data centers are moving and where the power will follow.
With respect to the renewable side of things, the nuclear side, alternative fuel choices than gas – are they benefiting from this buildout?
Yeah, I mean, we’re in a strange moment for renewables.
There’s been a rush to get things online before the July 4 tax cliff. If you look at additions to the grid, solar and batteries have benefited from this condensing of the pipeline and moving forward of the pipeline to avoid the cliff. We’ve seen a lot of buildouts and a lot of those electrons have gone to data centers. I’m doing a PPA project for a client right now that shows PPA prices having tripled in some regions, and that’s for renewables – solar and wind. You see plenty of demand. If you can get your hands on an electron you’re going to pay for it and go ahead. You don’t mind what kind of electron it is.
That being said, there’s a requirement for a capacity factor to create reliability. Where you’re looking to do behind-the-meter stuff and you feel you’ll be unable to interconnect, or you want to build your own power supply… that does have a unique match to natural gas. All you’re going to need is pipe and available fueling capacity. If you can find the fuel and if you can place yourself over a gas system that’s underutilized, a lot of your other concerns go away. You have access to a power source with a very high capacity factor, is reliable, and matches to your load. The equivalent of solar would require a vast amount of land, changing the economics of a project.
Before the start of this federal regime in the U.S., the trendline was investment going towards green capital – zero-emission generation. Obviously things have changed. From your vantage point in the market, when it comes to where investors are putting their money, has it gone from green power to data centers specifically? Is this boom a redirection, taking their money and putting it into something else?
This is not a trade-off moment. It’s an expansion moment.
We’ve seen a Venn diagram between digital infrastructure and power infrastructure. They move directly over each other, overlapping in capital markets. This is understandable; it’s the one thing you can’t do without if you have a data center. If you want chips, you also need power. And I think people underestimate how much one gigawatt of power is.
There’s a rush to build anything. It’s about more than anything else. I do think the second half of 2026 will be an interesting test of a thesis that a lot of renewables people have been talking about, which is that the low cost of energy – the LCOE factors – is still favorable and even without tax credit support there will be a lot of further additions. We’ve seen models, and we’ve done models, that have renewables as kind of an air pocket because it’s so cheap and the fuel cost. But on the other hand you can make the argument there’ll be a bigger problem.
When it comes to the investor space, how seriously do folks take opposition to data centers as a medium and long term risk – not just the next few weeks but the coming elections?
Very seriously. What you see in PJM with demand destruction is being taken very seriously by a number of the large institutional asset managers, some of the large institutional asset managers. These are people who are my biggest clients. I’m under some confidentiality when it comes to talking about them but nonetheless I can tell you that there are several large projects in PJM that are announced and appear on paper to be fully financed that are actually in cold storage until there is a better understanding of what is going to happen with large load, in PJM and Pennsylvania in particular.
There are large energy projects that are waiting around to see if the demand is going to materialize?
Exactly.
It doesn’t sound like an easy place to be if you’re developing these assets, no?
No.
If you’ve done the work and seen the models, it's very difficult to get this capital running in one direction and have an ISO operator say it's too expensive or puts too much on ratepayers. What you’ve seen folks try to do is create a secondary market, a parallel market, in which price discovery for that kind of power – large load – where it won’t filter through to ratepayers. But that’s much more difficult to pull off. The complexity of operating a grid in that way.
This is why more people are turning to behind the meter and to gas.