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This is a different kind of compound climate disaster.
Libya is reeling from the aftermath of Storm Daniel, which swept across the Mediterranean and unleashed downpours that inundated towns, destroyed dams, and swept away entire neighborhoods. In the city of Derna alone, more than 6,000 people are dead, around 10,000 are missing, and at least 30,000 have been displaced, according to CNN.
“It's truly difficult to fathom the scale of the destruction,” Will Todman, deputy director and senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told me. “Local officials are saying that what they need most at the moment are body bags.”
It’s a disaster that would be difficult to deal with under any circumstances. But Libya, which has been splintered by more than a decade of fighting, was particularly vulnerable to a storm like this one. It’s also a terrifying showcase of the intersection of conflict and climate: War and climate change are devastating on their own, but together they make their own particularly destructive kind of compound event.
To understand why Libya — and, more specifically, Derna — was primed for a disaster like this, we have to look at its recent history. In the years since Moammar Gadhafi was overthrown in 2011, the country split into two regions administered by rival governments. The Government of National Accord (GNA), based in Tripoli, commands the country’s western regions and is internationally recognized. Meanwhile the Libyan National Army (LNA), backed by the military leader Khalifa Hifter, commands the country’s east from Benghazi; this is the government that oversees the regions impacted by the floods, including Derna.
Derna, meanwhile, has been a particular hotbed of conflict; while most of the country has been relatively peaceful since the overthrow of Gadhafi, according to Todman, Derna was essentially a warzone from 2014 to 2019. Hifter’s LNA forces spent most of those years fighting either the Islamic State or a group called the Shura Council, which was backed by the GNA and took control of the city in 2015. The LNA finally captured Derna in 2019, but all those years of war took a toll on the city’s infrastructure, which meant it was especially vulnerable to flooding.
The splintered government means it’s impossible to coordinate practically anything on a national level in the country, including something as simple as the weather forecasting that could have helped prepare for the storm. “There is no one meteorological agency that is trusted by all the authorities in the various states of control in Libya,” Todman told me. “Certainly the area is lacking the early warning systems that could have helped alert for the potential of something like this happening.”
Consequently, officials did not warn residents about the storm before it arrived. There was also nobody maintaining the dams outside Derna, which were supposed to protect the city from an event like this one; instead they burst, further inundating the city in an event The New York Times has compared to New Orleans’ levees failing during Hurricane Katrina. The storm was so intense that it’s difficult to say whether the dams would have held up even if they had been maintained, Todman told me. But if they had been kept up and the city’s neglected infrastructure been fixed, he said, the damage would not have been nearly as catastrophic.
The flooding in Libya is by no means the first instance of conflict and climate change intersecting, and it certainly won’t be the last. In 2022, Russia attempted to weaponize climate change by cutting off energy supplies to Ukraine and the European Union during the winter; a relatively mild winter helped sidestep that gambit, but this winter will bring more challenges. Researchers have long warned of climate change’s potential to start wars; Libya shows us what the aftermath could look like.
If there’s any bright side, it’s that the disaster might — maybe, potentially, possibly — spur the kind of unification the United Nations has been trying to achieve in Libya for years. Libyans in the western part of the country have been organizing donation drives, and The New York Timesreports the government in Tripoli sent rescue workers to help with the relief efforts.
“There is some hope that something like this tragedy could be a kind of black swan event,” Todaman told me. “It could actually open up some space for unification and dialogue. So there is a little bit of hope.”
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.