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Contrary to the rest of the U.S. tech industry, the market for climate mitigation solutions has boomed of late. Since 2022, U.S. solar energy capacity has grown 51%; sales of electric vehicles rose 146%; and investors have plowed $473 billion into 152 manufacturing clean energy manufacturing projects. The U.S. Energy Information Administration projects battery storage capacity will double in 2024. In 2022 alone, private investors threw more than $70 billion at startups working to decarbonize everything from cement production to aviation fuel. And this is all as the cost of solar has dropped 82% over the past decade. Globally, the world now invests almost twice as much in clean energy as it does in oil and gas.
The period has not been quite so fecund for adaptation solutions, however. Whereas mitigation technologies focus on cutting emissions, adaptation and resilience focuses on solutions that can reduce the risks and impacts of climate change. Although Bank of America analysts predicted four years ago that adaptation and resilience could become a $2 trillion market by 2026, annual investment grew just 28% in 2022 to $63 billion. In that same time, financing for mitigation technologies reached $1.2 trillion.
The main distinguishing factor between the two approaches to climate tech: Where the money is coming from. While global mitigation spending is generally shared evenly between the public and private sector, 98% of adaptation finance comes from the public sector. Without the profit motive to drive down costs, many solutions don’t make financial sense for investors. “Our targeting is better but the cost curve has not been substantially cut,” said Ali Zaidi, the president’s chief climate advisor, at the Innovations in Climate Resilience conference in April. We’ve made progress, he said, but “we haven’t cut it by a factor of four or a factor of eight — that’s the kind of progress we’ve made on mitigation technology, but not in the arena of resilience.”
Sonam Velani, co-founder of Streetlife Ventures and an early investor in adaptation solutions, told me that, “traditionally, adaptation has been seen as a government problem. But today, more and more businesses are actually coming to solve those solutions.” The new climate disclosure rules from the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission put further pressure on companies to understand their products’ climate impact. “If you look at a lot of the climate-related disclosures that are now being required,” Velani said, “companies are actually required to understand climate risk and what impact that has on their bottom line,” and making that information public drives accountability.
In early April, a coalition consisting of the Bezos Earth Fund, the philanthropic ClimateWorks Foundation, impact-focused private equity firm the Lightsmith Group, and MSCI Sustainability Institute issued a new report called “The Unavoidable Opportunity,” aiming to understand the private sector adaptation opportunity. Jay Koh, Managing Director of the Lightsmith Group, said the title was inspired by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s own language on adaptation. “Climate resilience investments can be made at scale,” the report determined, “including in publicly traded companies.”
MSCI said its model “builds on existing definitions and approaches to identifying adaptation companies,” including the EU’s taxonomy of sustainable economic activities, then used a large language model to scour companies’ annual reports for products and services that qualified. MSCI considered the companies adaptation and resilience investments only if they were in the business of adaptation, as opposed to simply “taking measures to make their operations more internally resilient.” By that metric, 827 companies, or more than 11% of publicly traded entities in developed markets, could be considered adaptation solutions.
All these new green opportunities didn’t sprout from thin air. The idea is to push back the “investment frontier” for adaptation — to broaden the classification beyond solely “pure play” companies focused explicitly and exclusively on climate adaptations to include those with multi-use products — and thereby bring in more capital. The same is true in the mitigation market, where examples are more plentiful. Take Siemens, for instance. The German conglomerate that sells everything from healthcare IT to dishwashers; it also happens to be a leader in offshore wind energy. Despite no mention of climate mitigation in Siemens’ mission or sustainability tagline on their homepage, they are still a key player in climate mitigation technologies.
Katie MacDonald is a co-founder of Tailwind, a research and investment firm focused on accelerating the deployment of climate adaptation and resilience solutions. She told me that “most companies don’t call what they do adaptation or resilience.” In fact, she said, “most of the companies and solutions we’ve spoken to so far don’t call themselves climate change anything — they call themselves risk management or agriculture analytics or supply chain or healthcare diagnostics.”
The MSCI report sets out a list of qualifiers to help investors better understand what adaptation is, but — crucially — stops short of saying what adaptation isn’t. Koh explains the thinking. “We think it’s very early in the development of adaptation to consider” excluding any business in particular. “If we would had said early on that decarbonization only means solar panels, then we would have never opened up our minds enough to decarbonize agriculture, transportation, and buildings.”
While climate impacts will be felt across all areas of the economy, tagging such a wide range of companies as climate adaptation solutions could leave the space vulnerable to greenwashing. The report uses pipes as an example. Pipes are critical for resilience tasks such as stormwater drainage and irrigation. But the same companies also sell pipes oil fields.
There are existing standards that can help answer these questions. The UN’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals, for example, codified in 2015 at the landmark UN Sustainable Development Summit, provided a framework for organizations to measure their contributions across climate impact areas. There are also more complex metrics such as adaptive capacity, which measures, for instance, how much excess heat a crop can withstand before its yields begin to decline.
MacDonald told me she can envision other outcome-based metrics, as well. “Whether it’s looking at reduced negative health outcomes and mortality or increased asset health and functionality, there are a myriad of ways we can measure the presence of a climate resilience benefit,” she said.
The MSCI team hopes the report’s findings can enable investors and portfolio managers to create an investing strategy that encompasses every size of company including seed, venture, growth, and listed equities. Koh emphasizes that investing in adaptation isn’t a matter of wondering what the business models will be or waiting for new startups to appear. The report shows that there’s already an identifiable set of public companies that could make up an investment strategy for your existing 401k, pension plan, or portfolio.
The point is not merely to recharacterize more investing as adaptation-related, inflating the statistics with no real change in fortune for businesses and governments attempting to fortify themselves against the climate of the future. The point is for private capital to drive demand for solutions that not only prevent immense losses but foster a higher quality of life for billions of people.
“You actually know more right now about how climate change will unfold between now and 2040 than you do about the rate of inflation, interest rates, AI, consumer behavior or the betting odds on who Taylor Swift will be dating next,” Koh told me as he walked through the report’s findings. “We think that leads to an unavoidable opportunity,” though he added a caveat: “I believe these statistics were made before Travis Kelce.”
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
1. Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act —- and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
2. Senate Environment and Public Works Committee
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
3. Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Energy and Water Development
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.