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The carbon removal company has a pitch to solve the industry’s biggest “moral hazard.”

The carbon removal industry has exploded over the past few years, with billions of dollars in government funding and venture capital flowing to startups, nonprofits, and university research centers working on different ways to pull carbon out of the atmosphere. But all the attention has also stirred up a long running controversy about whether this solution is a dangerous distraction.
Critics worry that governments and corporations will not work as hard to cut greenhouse gas emissions if they believe they’ll eventually be able to reverse them. Some have warned this is already happening. On Thursday, Climeworks, one of the leading companies developing machines that suck carbon dioxide from the air, published a manifesto of sorts to fend off the risk that its technology is used to delay climate action.
The Swiss company’s statement calls for “a clear distinction between emissions reductions and carbon removals” in corporate and national climate plans and in the carbon market. It can be read as a pitch to improve the ever-popular but dangerously vague net-zero pledge. In theory, a plan to achieve net-zero emissions should involve both reducing emissions and then reaching a sort of equilibrium where any remaining releases are canceled out by removing carbon from the atmosphere.
The problem with net zero is it puts a lot more emphasis on the second part, and doesn’t require much transparency about the first. For example, a clothing brand pledging to achieve net zero by 2050 might buy renewable energy to power its stores, but avoid making more difficult changes to its production process or supply chain to reduce emissions, with the vague intention to balance them out later.
Climeworks is urging companies and governments to instead set two separate targets: One for how much they plan to reduce their carbon output, and a second for the level of remaining emissions they plan to balance out with carbon removal. It’s an idea with roots in academia; a 2019 paper argued that unpacking net-zero goals this way would help ensure that investments in carbon removal are truly additional to essential investments in emissions reductions.
“What we are saying is that removals should not stand as an excuse to not reduce your emissions,” said Louis Uzor, the climate policy manager at Climeworks.
The prospect of removing carbon from the atmosphere is undeniably seductive. “Depending on how you look at things, the technology represents either the ultimate insurance policy or the ultimate moral hazard,” New Yorker writer Elizabeth Kolbert wrote in a 2017 story about the kinds of machines that Climeworks is building.
It’s not hard to see how the fantasy version could turn into a nightmare. Our future ability to remove carbon will be limited by all kinds of constraints, like clean energy availability, land use, finance, and community support. If we operate under the assumption that we’ll be able to remove huge amounts of carbon from the atmosphere in a few decades, and that capacity doesn’t materialize, we could end up with more catastrophic warming — and still be far off from stabilizing the climate.
“Carbon removal capacity is going to be finite,” said Holly Buck, an assistant professor of environment and sustainability at the University of Buffalo. “Its in our interest to really constrain the residual emissions to the smallest amount possible to make sure that we can, in fact, compensate for them.”
At first glance, it may seem like Climeworks’ manifesto undermines its entire business model. Carbon removal "has a different role to play and should not be substituting emission reductions,” the statement reads. But today, companies like H&M and Square pay Climeworks for carbon removal to compensate for some of their emissions. Even the band Coldplay has bought credits to offset emissions from its tour.
Uzor argues its clients are not purchasing removals in place of cutting emissions. Paying Climeworks to remove carbon is still really expensive — upwards of $600 per metric ton of carbon. “It’s quite obvious that if you can reduce [emissions] for even up to $200 per ton, you’re still better off reducing than going with Climeworks,” he said. Rather, customers are lining up because they have emissions that are considered “hard to abate,” meaning there may not be any way to eliminate them for a long time. Uzor said their clients understand that if they want to achieve net zero in the next few decades, “they better start working with us now, because we have a whole industry that needs to scale up.”
Buck, of the University of Buffalo, pointed out that making it the norm to set a carbon removal goal could actually be great for Climeworks’ business. She’s optimistic that the company’s message comes from a place of genuine concern, but she thinks governments should be the ones leading the way by setting stronger requirements to cut emissions. “If people in the private sector are going to try to basically create policy in the absence of governments doing it, this seems good, but I don't think it’ll solve all the problems.”
Gilles Dufrasne, a lead on global carbon markets at the nonprofit Carbon Market Watch, said his organization supports the ideas in the statement, noting that this clear distinction would bring more transparency to climate plans and progress.
Climeworks’ statement also included a second, related plea. The company wants carbon credit certifiers to distinguish between projects that reduce or avoid emissions, like a wind farm or protection of a forest that might otherwise be chopped down, and those that remove carbon from the atmosphere, like Climeworks’ direct air capture plants. Thus far, Uzor said, Climeworks has refrained from working with large carbon registries like Verra or the American Carbon Registry, where many companies go to buy carbon offsets, because it couldn’t compete in that environment as long as its projects were lumped together with those that reduce emissions, which sell offsets for a fraction of the price.
This is another delicate subject. The growth of carbon removal projects is colliding with major tumult in the carbon market. Traditional carbon offset projects that purport to reduce emissions have been raked over the coals by researchers and journalists who have found time and again that those projects exaggerated their benefits. Derik Broekhoff, a senior scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute, said that the Science Based Targets Initiative, a nonprofit that creates voluntary standards for corporate climate action, has also begun discouraging companies from buying these kinds of offsets while encouraging investments in carbon removal. “It’s led to this kind of perverse outcome where everyone’s chasing removals,” said Derik Broekhoff, a senior scientist at the Stockholm Environment Institute. “Yet if you look at a global level, what we really need to do is reduce emissions rapidly and significantly. So it ends up being a bit of a distraction.”
Uzor said some have opposed the idea to clearly separate removals because it could make them seem like a superior product. But he insisted that wasn’t Climework’s intent. “Currently, global emissions are still on the rise, so any avoided emission that is timely and properly done, based on robust assessment, is massively needed.”
It doesn’t seem like this will end up being such a big ask. Verra, the largest carbon offset registry in the world, plans to introduce a “removals” label in the middle of this year, said Anne Thiel, Verra’s senior manager of communications in an email.
But shoring up the integrity of the market is another question altogether — and one where Climeworks does have a clear advantage. The benefits of a direct air capture project are pretty easy to measure, but other types of carbon removal projects, like those that involve storing carbon in soil or sinking it to the bottom of the ocean, will be a lot harder to verify.
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On Democrats’ very good night, Russian uranium, and a cane toad plague
Current conditions: Heavy rainfall in Florida and the Southwest caused flooding that forced local officials to enact emergency Election Day measures to make accommodate voters • Temperatures are up to nearly 90 degrees Fahrenheit amid a major rainstorm in Puerto Rico, the most populous U.S. territory, where the limits of federal representation mean there was no election yesterday • The eastern Pacific basin has broken multiple records with 24 named storms and 13 hurricanes so far, and nearly four weeks before the season ends.

In 2010, then-President Barack Obama introduced the term “shellacking” into the American political lexicon when he described the depth of Democrats’ loss in the midterm elections. Sixteen years later, Democrats are the ones doing the shellacking. The party surged to victory in places long considered deep-red GOP strongholds. Kansas elected Adam Hamilton as its first Democratic U.S. senator in 94 years. Texas hadn’t elected a Democrat statewide in 32 years, yet gave the party a U.S. Senate seat and the governor’s mansion. South Carolina’s incoming Democratic senator is its first since 1998. Hours before polls closed in the nation’s westernmost reaches, Democrats had won control over both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
Ahead of the vote, I spoke to half a dozen experts on what we should expect from the new Democratic Congress. Among the energy policies the party will want to enact: Restrictions on data centers, a restoration of renewable energy tax credits, and the creation of a new tax credit to support batteries. Among the issues expected to see congressional probes: Trump’s gutting of climate rules, funding cuts for clean energy, deals to kill offshore wind projects, and the redirection of Department of Energy funding from green projects to dirty ones. Aligning with Democrats on the need for clean energy tax credits wasn’t enough to save many Republicans in blue and purple states. At least nine Republicans who signed at least one public letter calling on the Trump administration to preserve tax credits for renewables lost reelection Tuesday night, including Jen Kiggans of Virginia, Juan Ciscomani of Arizona, Gabe Evans of Colorado, David Valadao of California, Mike Lawler of New York, Thomas Kean Jr. of New Jersey, Mariannette Miller-Meeks of Iowa, and Ryan Mackenzie and Rob Bresnahan, both of Pennsylvania.
To go deeper into the outcomes of the election, check out these stories by my colleagues:
Strange bedfellows are coming together to form the Responsible Data Center Development Collaborative. In an election night scoop, The Hill reported that green groups such as the Sierra Club, the League of Conservation Voters, and the Natural Resources Defense Council were working with Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, and Google to develop “a common national framework for responsible data development.” The document, leaked to the publication, details the need for “durable economic development,” “more affordable, reliable, and emissions-free energy,” and “community agency and support for responsibly developed projects.” Other parties involved in the effort include the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Anthropic, Nvidia, and Oracle.
The world’s biggest banks, meanwhile, are once again making more money from green energy projects than fossil fuel ones. For a fifth straight year, according to a Bloomberg analysis published Tuesday, the 2025 revenue from servicing debt on climate-related financing topped $3 billion, eclipsing the $2.9 billion from deals for oil, gas, and coal producers.
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The U.S. is racing to replace the Russian enriched uranium that fuels roughly a quarter of its fleet of civilian nuclear plants before federal law bans imports at the end of next year. Industry sources tell me that utilities have about enough fuel to get through the end of the decade before the absence of Russian uranium starts forcing reactors to shut down. Some still expect Trump to find a way to intervene, like when he unilaterally relaxed sanctions on Russian diesel last month. But the few U.S. uranium enrichers that survived the 1990s and 2000s, when cheap imports put much of the domestic industry out of business, are scrambling to erect new centrifuges and pump out more fuel. A new player, the Peter Thiel-backed General Matter, is on track to begin construction as early as next year, as I reported last week. On Monday, Urenco USA, the American subsidiary of the European enrichment giant, announced that it had churned out its first shipment of LEU+, the higher-enriched version of low-enrich uranium that U.S. utilities are pioneering. The Kremlin, however, is beefing up its own operations to maintain its share of the global market. On Tuesday, NucNet reported that Russia planned to build a new facility to process uranium from two mining sites in Zabaikalsky Krai, a landlocked federal jurisdiction in the Russian Far East covering much of the area once known as Transbaikal. The two deposits, located more than 3,700 miles from Moscow, are part of one of the largest volcanic-hosted uranium clusters in the world. Russia is developing the new processing plant in hopes of shoring up its supplies for export.
Meanwhile, Germany is showing signs of the energy vulnerabilities that may have encouraged Russia’s invasion of Ukraine nearly five years ago. In 2021, Germany and much of Western Europe burned through its stores of natural gas to make up for a shortfall of wind power during a “dunkelflaute,” a period in which previously forecasted gusts never blew. That intensified the pain when Brussels was seeking to cut off Russian supplies and the Kremlin throttled the flow of gas into pipelines. On Tuesday, Reuters reported that Germany has entered winter with its lowest gas stocks on record, far below the EU average.
A California court ruled this week in favor of activists seeking to shut down a first-of-a-kind carbon capture project in inland Kern County, north of Santa Barbara. The decision found that the Carbon TerraVault I, which stores CO2 captured from the California Resources Corporation’s Elk Hills cryogenic natural gas-processing facility, broke the California Environmental Quality Act by failing to evaluate, disclose and mitigate potential environmental effects from the facility. The facility, which started running in May, must now halt all operations until it can carry out a new environmental review. “This is a tremendous victory for Kern County communities,” Lupe Martinez, an advocate with the community group Delano Guardians, said in a statement. “We live in one of the most polluted regions in the nation, yet the county and powerful corporations attempted to push forward a project that threatened our air, water, and public health without conducting the proper environmental review required by law.”
It feels almost biblical. One of the world’s biggest mining companies is facing a brutal invasion of toads. Rio Tinto plans to spend $20 million to battle what the Financial Times called “a marauding can toad that is threatening to encroach on Australia’s iron ore-rich Pilbara region.” The company is working with scientists to establish a “kill zone” between the Indian Ocean and the Great Sandy Desert in Western Australia. While the amphibians don’t affect Rio Tinto’s mining operations, an invasive pest that upsets the region’s unique biodiversity threatens to make future permitting harder since regulators will face new pressures to protect endangered native species.
Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.
Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.