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The Biden administration announces $169 million in grants to boost production of the technology in America.

When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, American environmentalist and writer Bill McKibben pitched an idea to sap Russia’s power by drying up the market for its oil and gas. Heat Pumps for Peace and Freedom, he named the proposal, which called on President Biden to use his wartime emergency powers to ramp up manufacturing of electric heating appliances so that households could replace their fossil fuel-based furnaces.
Remarkably, Biden obliged. Just a few months later, he authorized the use of the Defense Production Act to expand American manufacturing of electric heat pumps, deeming them essential to national security. Now, a year and a half later, money is finally going out the door. On Friday, the Department of Energy announced $169 million in grants for nine companies that will invest in projects to boost domestic production of heat pumps.
“More than 40% of all U.S. [energy] consumption comes from homes, offices, schools, other buildings,” said Department of Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm during a virtual event promoting the projects on Friday. “The problem is that we rely heavily on other countries for the oil and gas that heat and cool these buildings, and transitioning to American-made heat pumps makes us more secure.”
Granholm also noted that some 40% of heat pumps purchased here are made in China. “Today’s announcement means that we can chip away at that market and put America on a path to dominating it,” she said.
The manufacturing grants will ensure there’s supply to meet growing demand for heat pumps spurred by the Inflation Reduction Act, which created a number of incentives for building owners to install them. Many states are also creating their own programs and incentives to spur heat pump adoption as part of their climate plans.
“This is meeting demand that’s taken off all across the country,” said White House national climate advisor Ali Zaidi during the event, noting that a coalition of governors have collectively set a goal to deploy 20 million heat pumps by 2030. “That’s a massive expansion.”
The projects span 13 states and support a range of technologies. The largest grant, at $50 million, went to Mitsubishi to build a new factory in Kentucky that will make “variable capacity compressors,” which are essential components in the best performing, most efficient heat pumps on the market. Honeywell received $15 million to expand one of its existing facilities in Louisiana to increase annual production of a refrigerant that has a lower global warming potential than what’s used in many existing models.
A $17.5 million grant is going to a startup called Gradient to build its first factory in Detroit, Michigan, with a capacity of 100,000 units per year. Gradient specializes in producing heat pumps that can be installed in the window, similar to an air conditioner, and don’t require an electrician or plumber. The company was also selected by New York state to supply heat pumps for New York City’s public housing.
A company called Johnson Controls plans to use a $33 million grant to retrofit three of its factories in Kansas, Texas, and Pennsylvania, to increase the number of and types of heat pumps it produces. It anticipates producing more than 200,000 heat pumps per year, “an enormous increase” over the company’s 2023 production, according to the Department of Energy.
The grants will also support the production of different kinds of heat pumps. A company called Armstrong International based in Michigan will build a new facility to manufacture industrial versions that can produce the high heat needed to replace natural gas boilers in food manufacturing and paper and pulp plants. This can reduce the energy use associated with industrial heating by up to one third, according to one estimate, cutting emissions by 30 to 43 million tons per year.
Granholm said the grants would bring down the cost of heat pumps by boosting supply. It can cost homeowners anywhere from a few thousand dollars to upwards of $20,000, even with federal and state incentives, to swap out a natural gas boiler for a heat pump — a major impediment to wider adoption.
Stephen Pantano, the head of market transformation at Rewiring America, a nonprofit that advocates for electric appliances, was optimistic that the grants would help. “If you’re working with a domestic supplier, there’s an incentive for the builder and the component supplier to align and work together on product design and make products that are better suited for the U.S. market,” he said. “You also don’t have import duties and shipping costs and a lot of the other stuff that you have to deal with when you’re sourcing things internationally,” he said.
The grants are also expected to spur an estimated 1,700 jobs at the manufacturing facilities, as well as deliver investments to community colleges and apprentice programs for workforce development.
The Department of Energy said it plans to issue another round of Defense Production Act grants in the new year. The heat pump manufacturing boom is officially underway.
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.