You’re out of free articles.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Sign In or Create an Account.
By continuing, you agree to the Terms of Service and acknowledge our Privacy Policy
Welcome to Heatmap
Thank you for registering with Heatmap. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our lives, a force reshaping our economy, our politics, and our culture. We hope to be your trusted, friendly, and insightful guide to that transformation. Please enjoy your free articles. You can check your profile here .
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Subscribe to get unlimited Access
Hey, you are out of free articles but you are only a few clicks away from full access. Subscribe below and take advantage of our introductory offer.
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Create Your Account
Please Enter Your Password
Forgot your password?
Please enter the email address you use for your account so we can send you a link to reset your password:
In the face of a devastating heat wave, the rickety system has managed to keep ACs around the state running. How?
Texas’ uniquely isolated and deregulated electricity grid has been wobbling on the edge of rolling blackouts this week thanks to extreme heat throughout the state.
At least so far, the grid has survived, despite less wind than expected, some power plants going offline, and near-record levels of demand. It hasn’t been so lucky in the past. The state became a poster child for the risk that extreme weather can pose to electricity generation in 2021 when Winter Storm Uri led to massive and deadly blackouts.
With Texas still facing a potentially deadly combination of extreme weather, homes that rely on electricity for both heating and cooling, and an energy market that has historically underinvested and underemphasized resiliency and is disconnected from the rest of the country, how has the state managed to avoid devastating blackouts during this heat wave — and I can’t stress this enough — so far?
One big reason is that electricity generation hasn’t quite hit the record-breaking levels ERCOT, the grid operator, has feared.
On Tuesday, power peaked at just over 79,000 megawatts, just below the over 80,000 megawatts record demand last summer, despite temperatures at or near 100 degrees — and heat indices approaching an astonishing 120. ERCOT had forecasted a record-setting electricity consumption day, but actual electricity demand fell below its predictions for the late morning and the afternoon.
Highlighting the risk still confronting the state, ERCOT has forecast that demand for power Wednesday will break records though.
“It has been record or near-record heat in South Texas, not so much in North Texas. Even though the ERCOT electric grid is relatively small, it’s been big enough to move power around from where it’s needed less to needed more,” Texas A&M professor and state climatologist John Nielsen-Gammon told me in an email Tuesday afternoon. One big concern with Texas’ grid is that when the entire state is in need of power, it can’t import electricity from the rest of the country, but at least so far, intra-state transfers have been sufficient.
That could be because ERCOT did itself — and Texas — a massive favor by sending out a warning to Texans on Tuesday just asking them “to voluntarily reduce electric use, if safe to do so.”
These kind of informal requests to reduce power consumption at moments of high demand are not uncommon and can work — they’ve been used successfully in New York and California. They’ve even been used before in Texas during the summer, despite the state’s reputation for being more generation-than-conservation friendly compared to its big state peers.
When comparing the disaster in 2021 to today, it’s also helpful to note that a big reason the state struggled back then was large amounts of natural gas generation going offline due to poor winterization.
Summertime brings even higher electricity demand than the winter, but it tends not to pose the same threat to the grid, explained University of Texas researcher Joshua Rhodes.
“The vulnerability in the summer is that everyone has an air conditioner,” Rhodes said.
That same high heat that causes people to crank up their air conditioning also means that solar power tends to be more abundant at the same time. By the late afternoon Tuesday, solar was providing 14.5% of Texas’ electricity, operating at 90 percent of its summer capacity. Meanwhile natural gas was responsible for just over half of Texas’ electricity generation, but operating at 85 percent of its summer capacity.
“Whoever designed it such that solar energy output is high when it is hot outside was brilliant,” University of Texas professor of energy resources Michael Webber tweeted Tuesday afternoon.
Natural gas power plants can underperform due to high heat, Rhodes said, but the risk of catastrophic failure is lower. Texas also schedules power plant maintenance in order to ensure that plants are online during the highest demand portion of the year.
But while natural gas provides the bulk of Texas’ electricity, wind and solar play a substantial and growing role in the state’s power generation. When ERCOT requested that Texans voluntarily reduce power consumption, it cited “higher than normal” power plant outages as well as “low wind generation compared to historic performance during summer peak.”
Like much of the country, fossil-fuel-rich Texas is dependent on renewables to keep the lights (and AC) on. The head of the Public Utility Commission of Texas warned in May that “On the hottest days of summer, there is no longer enough on-demand dispatchable power generation to meet demand on the ERCOT system.”
According to ERCOT figures from Tuesday, the listed summer capacity of coal, nuclear, and natural gas would have fallen short of peak demand, let alone the record demand forecasted on Monday, so solar really has played an important role in keeping danger at bay — and, again, I can’t stress this enough — so far.
As might be expected in a conservative state with a massive energy industry, when it came time to address reliability issues following Uri and record breaking heat last summer, Texas’ elected officials chose to do so in a way that would favor more fossil generation, as opposed to energy efficiency or more extensive demand management. Governor Greg Abbott signed a slew of bills in its past legislative session, including a bill that would set up a program for billions of dollars worth of loans for new gas-fueled power plants, while vetoing a bill that would allow the state to update building codes due to a fight between the governor's mansion and the statehouse over property taxes.
But Texas remains a renewable powerhouse, and like renewable-heavy California with its “duck curve,” Texas faces its own late-day energy crunch, in its case a so-called “armadillo curve,” when solar power drops out of the grid even as demand remains high thanks to continued high temperatures.
At least so far this week, the grid has held up. But summer has only just begun. The National Weather Service projects that “Excessive Heat Warnings may return” in parts of Texas this weekend and early next week. And ERCOT plans every year around power demand peaking in August.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
1. Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act —- and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
2. Senate Environment and Public Works Committee
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
3. Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Energy and Water Development
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.