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What happens when America’s biggest source of clean energy pivots to hydrogen?

After the Inflation Reduction Act was signed into law, and initial excitement about its historic investment in tackling climate change turned to deeper analysis, researchers made an alarming discovery. One of the IRA’s big ticket items, a tax credit for clean hydrogen, risks underwriting a major increase in emissions if not implemented carefully. That finding has erupted into a high-stakes debate over how the Treasury Department should define “clean hydrogen.”
Treasury’s decision, which is expected in the coming weeks, will have many implications, but one that deserves more scrutiny is what it could mean for nuclear power, still the largest and most reliable source of carbon-free energy in the U.S.
Nuclear reactors are uniquely well-suited to power hydrogen production, which in turn holds great promise to clean up some of the hardest parts of the economy to decarbonize.
But there's a trade-off: If any of the existing nuclear fleet pivots to making hydrogen, coal and natural gas plants are likely to fill in for that lost power on the grid. That would drive up emissions in the near term and make it harder for states to achieve their clean energy goals.
The debate boils down to whether it’s more advantageous to use our existing nuclear fleet to kickstart a hydrogen economy — likely sacrificing near-term emission reductions in the process — or to shore up a carbon-free grid.
This is what the Treasury Department must grapple with as it writes the rules for the new tax credit. In an exclusive interview with Heatmap, officials from the Department of Energy, which is advising the Treasury, said they want to see existing nuclear plants qualify. But as Daniel Esposito, a senior policy analyst at the nonprofit Energy Innovation, told me, “There's just a lot of layers to how bad this can get.”
Hydrogen already plays an essential, yet small role in the global economy as an ingredient in the production of fertilizer and oil refining. But as the world looks for alternatives to fossil fuels, hydrogen, which burns without releasing carbon, could play a much bigger role by powering industries that are proving difficult to decarbonize with renewable electricity, like shipping, aviation, and steelmaking. The challenge is that it takes energy to make hydrogen in the first place. Today the vast majority is made in a carbon-intensive process involving natural gas or coal.
There is an alternative method, called electrolysis, which extracts hydrogen from water using electricity and doesn’t directly release emissions. But it’s too expensive to be competitive with the fossil fuel version right now. The tax credit in the Inflation Reduction Act could change that, but to qualify, hydrogen producers would have to prove their electricity is carbon-free, too.
That’s where nuclear power comes in.
There are many reasons nuclear plants are considered a good fit for this process. Electrolyzers, the enabling technology for electrolysis, are still relatively new and expensive. Nuclear reactors could power them 24/7, maximizing production.
Nuclear plants are also well-located. They sit near bodies of water, which is necessary for electrolysis. They’re often adjacent to rail lines that could transport the resulting hydrogen. And many are close to heavy industrial sites that could become customers.
There’s potential for efficiency gains — a lot of nuclear reactors already require a bit of hydrogen for their operations, so they could produce their own instead of shipping it in.
And perhaps most thrillingly, nuclear reactors produce a lot of heat. With a more nascent version of the technology called high temperature electrolysis, that heat could be harnessed to boil water into steam, reducing the amount of energy required to extract hydrogen from it.
Unfortunately, there’s one big drawback. The nation’s existing nuclear plants already run at more than 90% capacity. They supply nearly 20% of total annual electricity generation. They don’t exactly have more energy to give.
Esposito and others warn that the hydrogen tax credit is so lucrative that if the Treasury’s upcoming rules allow existing reactors to qualify as a zero-emissions source of electricity, it would create a perverse incentive for nuclear companies to start diverting their power to hydrogen production. Nuclear plants currently earn about $30 per megawatt-hour from energy markets, but Esposito estimates they could earn $60 to $70 per megawatt-hour by producing hydrogen. Though indirectly, this would almost certainly increase U.S. emissions in the near term.
“You could see a world where all of the U.S. nukes pivot to supplying electrolyzers and just print money that way,” said Esposito. “Then you're pulling off 20% of U.S. power, and fossil fuels would be what fill in for that, because we just can't build clean energy fast enough to replace it.”
But Constellation Energy, the country’s largest owner of nuclear plants, with big plans to produce hydrogen, argues that letting its reactors qualify under the tax credit rules isn’t about printing money, but about making clean hydrogen cheap enough that customers actually buy it.
“By lowering the cost of the hydrogen, the tax credit is going to increase the ability of manufacturers and other hydrogen users to decarbonize their operations,” Mason Emnett, senior vice president of public policy at Constellation, told me. “Without that support, there's just not going to be a market for clean hydrogen.”
Top Department of Energy officials seem to agree. “We're very hopeful that [the tax credit] will be applicable to existing reactors,” Dr. Kathryn Huff, assistant secretary of the Office of Nuclear Energy, told me in an interview.
The Department of Energy has long been excited by the synergies between nuclear plants and hydrogen production. In fact, just a few years ago, the agency saw hydrogen as a new market that could save the nation’s nuclear plants, which were shutting down left and right as they struggled to compete with the cheap natural gas of the fracking boom.
But today, natural gas prices are up. There’s a bevy of new government grants and subsidies from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act to keep nuclear plants open. Now hydrogen looks more like a great business opportunity than a savior for the industry.
Last September, not long after the Inflation Reduction Act was signed, Morgan Stanley issued a report noting that Constellation was poised to unlock new opportunities for its nuclear plants and “attractive returns for hydrogen facilities,” according to S&PGlobal. If the company dedicated just 5% of its capacity to hydrogen production, the report said, it could increase its annual earnings before taxes by $300 to $350 million.
Constellation made its first big move in February, announcing plans to build a $900 million hydrogen production facility in the Midwest that will use 250 MW of its existing capacity. That’s only about 1% of the company’s total nuclear fleet. But to Esposito, it’s a worrisome sign.
“It’s very likely we’d see many other similar announcements,” he told me. “And crucially, as these clean energy resources switch from powering the grid to producing hydrogen, we’d be losing our cheapest existing sources of clean electricity.”
It’s also concerning to climate advocates in Illinois, where Constellation owns six nuclear plants. The state has an ambitious clean energy goal, and is counting on those reactors to be a source of always-available, carbon-free electricity as it shuts down coal plants and builds more renewables.
“Even if it's small, that's still headed in the wrong direction in a world where we are fighting as hard as we can to quickly decarbonize the power sector,” said JC Kibbey, a clean energy advocate with the Natural Resources Defense Council in Illinois.
Constellation doesn’t see that as the company’s problem. Emnett said that much of its nuclear generation is already contracted out to local utilities for the benefit of customers for the next several years, meaning it can’t be “diverted” to hydrogen, at least until those contracts are up. The rest is theirs to sell to whomever wants to buy it. “There's no diversion of electricity,” he said. “There's electricity that is available for use, and we can sell electricity to power a shopping center or we can sell electricity to power an electrolyzer for hydrogen production.”
Constellation also makes the case that if one of its reactors are powering a hydrogen plant on-site, without using the grid at all, there should be no question that the process is carbon-free.
But Rachel Fakhry, a senior climate and clean energy advocate at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said it doesn’t matter whether a hydrogen facility is connected directly to a clean power source or whether it gets power through the grid. The issue is when no new, clean resources have been built to support this big new source of demand. In either case, less nuclear power will be flowing to other customers, and more coal or gas-fired generation will ramp up to fill in the gap. Electrolysis is so energy-intensive that those indirect emissions would be higher than emissions from current hydrogen production using natural gas. “Treasury must account for those induced emissions,” Fakhry said.
Many climate and energy policy experts agree that the resulting hydrogen should not be subsidized, or considered “clean.”
The law itself sends mixed messages to the Treasury about what Congress intended. It says the Department must account for “lifecycle” greenhouse gas emissions from hydrogen production, but it also includes a clause that explicitly permits existing nuclear plant operators to claim the tax credit.
Fakhry argued this should not be interpreted to mean nuclear companies are entitled to the credit. She said one way existing plants could qualify is if they are modified to increase their power output.
Some experts see a middle ground. Adam Stein, director of the Nuclear Energy Innovation program at the Breakthrough Institute, said those induced emissions are not the full picture.
He cited a number of other factors to consider, like the fact that one of the main obstacles to building new sources of clean energy right now is a clogged electric grid. If diverting some nuclear power to hydrogen frees up some room on the grid, that could be a good thing. “The question does not become, in my view, whether nuclear power plants should be eligible for this,” he said. “It’s at what point in the sliding scale of percentage of the tax credit they should be eligible for.” The tax credit is tiered, such that companies can earn different amounts depending on the carbon intensity of their production process.
In a sense, the debate is also about short-term and long-term priorities.
When I asked Huff, the assistant secretary in the Office of Nuclear Energy, whether she felt there were any risks of pairing nuclear and hydrogen, she only noted the shortcomings of not doing so. “I think there are risks in terms of whether or not we can successfully scale up a hydrogen economy,” she said. “There is this risk that it never materializes.”
Her colleague Jason Tokey, the team lead for reactor optimization and modernization chimed in. “As a country, we're not seeking to just decarbonize the power grid, we're seeking to decarbonize the entire economy,” he said. “Clean hydrogen has a critical role to play in that economy-wide decarbonization, and using clean energy sources like nuclear to produce hydrogen really enables that.”
The agency is also excited about the prospect of innovations that could help decarbonize both the grid and the rest of the economy. There are already hours of the day in some places where nuclear plants aren’t needed because there’s so much solar power being produced, said Huff. She said the “operational vision” is to have nuclear operators learn how to switch back and forth between serving the grid and offloading their power into hydrogen when it’s not needed, which will enable more renewable resources to come online. “It is absolutely imperative that we make sure nuclear plants can flex with the grid.”
Emnett said Constellation is planning to test this out at Nine Mile Point, a nuclear plant in upstate New York that received $5.8 million from the DOE for a hydrogen production pilot project.
“We are excited about the possibility of creating flexibility for nuclear plants,” he said. “You can start to think about a system where nuclear with flexible hydrogen production is pairing with variable wind and solar and batteries in a decarbonized future world. And so we're at a point now where we're proving out those capabilities.”
But without the tax credit, he said, “there's just not any conversation, there's no ability to explore the innovation, because we never get out of the gate.”
Whether that gate should be swung open or shut is now in the hands of the U.S. Department of Treasury.
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Everything is getting more expensive — except for government debt.
Across the developed world, yields on government debt are rising, driving up the cost of borrowing with potentially particularly dire effects for renewable and clean energy.
“Nearly every issue of government bonds at every maturity for all G7 countries is trading at a higher rate today than it was in February, pushing up the amount that governments must pay to sell new debt,” the Financial Times reported on Sunday.
These government bonds — especially U.S. government bonds — serve as benchmarks for lending across the economy. The 10-year Treasury is currently trading at a yield of 4.8%, up from 4% in February before the war in Iran began.
The rising yields are due in part to the ongoing war being waged by the United States and Israel, which has driven up the prices of core commodities and touched off inflation across the globe. A number of wealthy countries, including the United States, are also running large budget deficits, which means there’s lots of government debt floating around. Inflation erodes the value of that debt, however, driving up the returns investors demand for government bonds and driving down what they’re willing to pay.
I have written extensively about how high borrowing costs exact an especially steep toll from renewable energy development. That’s because the bulk of spending on a renewable project — say a solar farm — comes up front as capital expenditure that often has to be financed through borrowing. For a gas-fired power plant, on the other hand, the spending is split more evenly between upfront costs and operational costs (namely fuel), which can be paid for out of cash flow from operating the plant. Where the cost of operating a gas plant is at the mercy of natural gas prices, for a renewables project, interest rates can dominate the economics.
Sure enough, that inflationary pressure showed up in the second-quarter results of America’s renewables companies. Solar installer Sunrun, for instance, has seen declining sales growth. In an August earnings call, Sunrun CEO Mary Powell said the company’s results were “reflecting a higher capital cost as interest rates have inched up.” Wind developer Orsted, meanwhile, told investors that it had incurred a nearly $200 million loss on its U.S. offshore wind business “as a result of an increase in the long-dated U.S. interest rates.”
But macroeconomic indicators like deficits, inflation, and interest rates show just one side of the picture. After all, it’s not just governments that borrow, and it’s not just money that’s necessary for any sort of big project, including renewable and clean energy.
At the same time governments are borrowing more, bond market investors are also being offered hundreds of billions of dollars of debt from hyperscalers and other technology companies looking to build out data centers to power artificial intelligence. Bond markets will have to ingest over $500 billion of AI-related debt issuance this year, according to Morgan Stanley, and they’ll be called upon again to help fund an estimated $1.2 trillion in capital expenditures in 2027. Across the economy as a whole, “more than half of the capex growth this year can likely be ascribed to the buildout related to AI,” Federal Reserve Chair Kevin Warsh said in a speech last week.
That boom is driving economic activity — and high prices — throughout a number of sectors, including materials and labor.
Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack told CNBC in June that inflation was “too high,” citing “insatiable” demand from data center developers for inputs such as electric switchgears. (Hammack was a dissenting voice at the July meeting of the Federal Open Markets Committee, voting for a higher interest rate against the Fed majority who decided to keep rates unchanged.)
And it’s not just software engineers who are seeing high salaries as a result of the AI boom. The technology buildout has also raised the wages of laborers and tradespeople essential to both data center and energy projects, especially for specialized trades like electricians.
“Skilled workers were difficult to find in a range of fields, notably technicians and tradespeople,” the Federal Reserve reported in its July report on economic conditions.
While this is great news for electricians and their families, it’s also the type of thing that can make central bankers nervous.
The “AI investment surge could trigger nonlinear price increases,” Dallas Fed President Lorie Logan said in July. “The risk is that the pressures broaden as AI demand touches construction, power generation, and other sectors.”
That’s the silver lining for renewable energy — and all energy developers. While the costs of capital, materials, and labor are going up, electricity itself has never been in greater demand.
The energy developer and utility NextEra told investors on its July earnings call that it’s been able to sign new contracts on existing assets at a $20 per megawatt-hour premium over recent prices, a process known as “recontracting,” indicating solid demand for power.
Overall, NextEra chief executive John Ketchum said, “Hyperscalers and other large load customers are increasingly focused on speed, certainty, and scalability. That plays directly to our strengths.”
Chirag Lala, vice president of research at the Center for Public Enterprise, explained to me that it’s this demand that’s balancing out the higher financial and material costs renewable developers face. “That’s why we are still getting solar and battery builds. There’s demand on the system,” he told me.
The industry is in a kind of tug of war between financial and structural factors pulling it back, and demand factors pushing it forward. “That buildout could absolutely be faster and bigger if a variety of structural and financial variables were mitigated,” Lala said.
The Supreme Court will decide once and for all.
Good evening from New York, where a district court judge struck down a law the state passed in 2024 to extract $75 billion from fossil fuel companies to fund its response to climate change. The ruling is a sign that so-called “superfund”-style laws may not be the winning strategy many climate advocates had hoped.
You may know the New York law as the Climate Change Superfund Act, and it mirrors similarly-named legislation passed in Vermont and introduced in about a dozen other states. The law’s backers — environmental groups, consumer advocates — pitched it as a new approach after earlier attempts to sue energy companies directly for damages had either failed or were stuck in procedural arguments over whether the cases belonged in state or federal court.
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Unlike those lawsuits, the climate superfund laws don’t accuse the companies of doing anything wrong. They are modeled on the federal Superfund program, which allows the Environmental Protection Agency to request funding from companies to clean up industrial waste years after the contamination occurred, and despite the fact that the pollution was lawful at the time. The theory was that this federal precedent might give the states a leg up when energy companies inevitably fought the policy.
That comparison does not seem to have meant much to Judge Brenda Sannes. Instead, her decision focused on the similarities between the climate superfund law and a lawsuit New York City brought against Chevron and other oil companies that federal courts dismissed several years ago. Sannes concluded that just like the city’s lawsuit, the superfund law would in effect regulate interstate greenhouse gas emissions, which is a federal responsibility under the Clean Air Act.
Notably, Sannes also disregarded the Trump administration decision to rescind the 2009 endangerment finding for greenhouse gases, which underpinned the federal government’s responsibility to regulate carbon under the Clean Air Act, writing that it had “no impact” on her analysis.
To me, the idea that these climate lawsuits and superfund laws are akin to emissions regulation has been one of the more confounding aspects of covering these court fights. None of the suits concern greenhouse gas regulations in any traditional sense — they are about oil companies’ deception and responsibility for climate change-related damages. Still, several courts have agreed with oil companies that the financial penalty levied on them amounts to a form of oversight of emissions.
Climate advocates are not giving up just yet, and are urging New York Attorney General Letitia James to appeal. A press release from the group Fossil Free Media argued the ruling was “based on a deeply flawed analysis” and was “an early, appealable decision in a developing legal fight.” James has not yet issued a response.
Regardless, the superfund concept will get another test in the federal court for the district of Vermont, where the same groups challenging New York’s law — the American Petroleum Institute, the Chamber of Commerce, Republican states, and the Trump administration — are also challenging Vermont’s version.
Much more rides on an upcoming Supreme Court case, however. The high court has agreed to hear oral arguments in a lawsuit brought by Boulder County, Colorado against Exxon and a Canadian oil sands company, Suncor. The county originally filed the case in 2018, and it’s one of the ones that’s been held up for years in procedural arguments. Last year, the Colorado Supreme Court decided it could finally advance toward a trial, leading the oil companies to appeal to the federal Supreme Court. They are asking the justices to decide once and for all whether federal law preempts states from seeking relief for climate damages.
Oral arguments begin on October 5.
On Palisades’ progress, Taliban minerals, and New York’s climate superfund
Current conditions: Tropical Depression Five is barreling northwest from the Caribbean to Houston • In the Pacific, Hurricane Karina has strengthened into a Category 4 storm, but it’s unlikely to make landfall anywhere • The surface temperature of the Yellow Sea is nearly 85 degrees Fahrenheit, fueling storms across South Korea.
President Donald Trump is among the few politicians in America willing to stand 10-toes-down in defense of the need to build out more data centers. In a post Monday on Truth Social, the president admonished communities that reject data centers as misguided and foolish. “The only reason that communities throughout the U.S.A. should not want data centers is if they want to end up being backwards and poor,” Trump wrote. “If they want to be successful and rich, with far lower taxes and jobs all over the place, let data reign.” Still, he said “plenty of other places” want them. “If we kill the Golden Goose, you will only have yourselves to blame,” he wrote. “China could not be happier with this anti data center movement.” It’s not a popular stance. Heatmap Pro’s latest polling shows that three-quarters of Americans now oppose data centers built in their backyards.
The U.S. District Court for the Northern District of New York struck down the state’s Climate Change Superfund Act on Monday, ruling that the 2024 law is invalid under the federal Clean Air Act. The law set up a cost recovery scheme whereby fossil fuel companies would pay into a fund used to finance climate change adaptation-related infrastructure projects. The state’s argument rested in part on the Trump administration’s decision earlier this year to rescind the Environmental Protection Agency’s endangerment finding on greenhouse gases, which gave the agency authority to regulate climate pollution. That move “cannot be reconciled” with the administration’s argument that the CAA preempts New York’s law, the state said. Judge Brenda K. Sannes dismissed that reasoning in her decision, citing the Supreme Court’s ruling in American Electric Power v. Connecticut from 2011, which, as my colleague Emily Pontecorvo put it, “established companies’ protection from federal public nuisance claims over greenhouse gas emissions. That decision sprang from the Court’s earlier 2007 decision that the Clean Air Act covers greenhouse gas emissions — which the EPA is now contesting.”
The case was one of at least four the Trump administration has pursued against states attempting to make fossil fuel companies cover the costs of adapting to climate change. Judges have already ruled against its attempts to prevent Hawaii and Michigan from suing fossil fuel companies, however a case against a similar superfund law in Vermont is still pending. “New York’s law would have expropriated $75 billion from energy companies around the world during an energy emergency and in direct defiance of American foreign policy and federal law,” Adam Gustafson, principal deputy assistant attorney general of the Justice Department’s Energy and Natural Resources Division and the administration’s lead attorney in this case, said in a statement. “We will continue to fight for affordable, reliable energy for all Americans.”
A sign of how much an industry is really booming is whether startups begin popping up to provide ancillary services. Here’s a prime example of the artificial intelligence buildout’s energy boom: The AI energy software provider Verse told Heatmap exclusively for this newsletter that it now has 30 gigawatts of power under its platform’s management. The company’s flagship product, Aria, is an intelligence platform for data center companies that brings utility bills, contracts, power purchase agreements, and live power usage data under one dashboard. The company also helps manage on-site assets such as batteries. “You can't solve for speed, cost, risk, and carbon while your supply contracts, your load, and your flexible assets sit in separate silos,” Seyed Madaeni, Verse’s chief executive and co-founder, said in a statement.
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When Holtec International starts the Palisades nuclear plant back up, the facility in western Michigan will be the first in the nation to return to life after a permanent shutdown. Once complete, the Palisades restart will set off a series of other projects, including some to repower defunct nuclear plants in Pennsylvania and Iowa. That makes each milestone in the Palisades project notable — but the one it reached Monday is particularly promising. Holtec started loading fuel into the reactor, setting the stage for it to return to service potentially before the end of the year, months before the official March 2027 start date. “Loading fuel into the Palisades reactor is an important milestone and a reflection of the tremendous effort of the men and women who have brought this plant to this point,” Fadi Diya, Holtec’s chief nuclear officer, said in a statement. Palisades’ completion won’t just kick off more restarts. Holtec also plans to build its first two 300-megawatt small modular reactors at the site. Based on the industry’s standard pressurized water technology, the company has received hundreds of millions from the Department of Energy to support its construction.

Commerce can, at times, be the ultimate salve. Raw materials flowed from the U.S. to British factories even after the American Revolution and the War of 1812. Japanese and German automobiles dominate American roads decades after those nations’ defeats in World War II. As memories of war fade, Americans buy nearly $200 billion in Vietnamese goods each year, helping to transform the Southeast Asian country into a top manufacturing hub. Now the Taliban is making its pitch to Washington’s wallet. The Islamist group now leading Afghanistan said it would “absolutely” welcome U.S. investments in the rural, mountainous, and underdeveloped Central Asian country’s mining, infrastructure, or agriculture industries. “Relations between Afghanistan and the United States should not be assessed through the lens of the past 20 years of war, but rather on the basis of future co-operation,” Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi told the Financial Times at his office in Kabul. “Our economic policy is open.”
Meanwhile, from China to the U.S., lithium producers are posting what Bloomberg called “bumper profits.” Demand for energy storage is soaring, especially as countries seek to insulate themselves from the effects of the Iran War energy shock. As a result, Chinese companies such as Tianqi Lithium and Ganfeng Lithium Group reported their strongest net income in three years during the first six months of 2026. North Carolina-based Albemarle said global lithium demand had grown 45% compared to a year earlier. Australia’s PLS Group, meanwhile, “swung a $377 million profit in the 12 months to June 30 from a loss the year before,” the newswire reported.
You don’t need to be an expert in emerging markets to recognize the potential for solar. Countries that haven’t yet extended grid networks into rural areas can electrify villages using panels that are increasingly cheap and flooding into places such as sub-Saharan Africa, as I told you last week. You won’t need deep connections in those countries to start investing in that renewable energy potential, either. The startup Odyssey Energy Solutions, as my colleague Katie Brigham put it, “acts as a middleman between local installers and global capital providers that want exposure to developing markets but typically wouldn’t take the risk of financing small companies in unfamiliar environments.” This morning, the company told Katie exclusively, it’s announcing that it has raised another $74 million to fund its buildout.