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What happens when America’s biggest source of clean energy pivots to hydrogen?

After the Inflation Reduction Act was signed into law, and initial excitement about its historic investment in tackling climate change turned to deeper analysis, researchers made an alarming discovery. One of the IRA’s big ticket items, a tax credit for clean hydrogen, risks underwriting a major increase in emissions if not implemented carefully. That finding has erupted into a high-stakes debate over how the Treasury Department should define “clean hydrogen.”
Treasury’s decision, which is expected in the coming weeks, will have many implications, but one that deserves more scrutiny is what it could mean for nuclear power, still the largest and most reliable source of carbon-free energy in the U.S.
Nuclear reactors are uniquely well-suited to power hydrogen production, which in turn holds great promise to clean up some of the hardest parts of the economy to decarbonize.
But there's a trade-off: If any of the existing nuclear fleet pivots to making hydrogen, coal and natural gas plants are likely to fill in for that lost power on the grid. That would drive up emissions in the near term and make it harder for states to achieve their clean energy goals.
The debate boils down to whether it’s more advantageous to use our existing nuclear fleet to kickstart a hydrogen economy — likely sacrificing near-term emission reductions in the process — or to shore up a carbon-free grid.
This is what the Treasury Department must grapple with as it writes the rules for the new tax credit. In an exclusive interview with Heatmap, officials from the Department of Energy, which is advising the Treasury, said they want to see existing nuclear plants qualify. But as Daniel Esposito, a senior policy analyst at the nonprofit Energy Innovation, told me, “There's just a lot of layers to how bad this can get.”
Hydrogen already plays an essential, yet small role in the global economy as an ingredient in the production of fertilizer and oil refining. But as the world looks for alternatives to fossil fuels, hydrogen, which burns without releasing carbon, could play a much bigger role by powering industries that are proving difficult to decarbonize with renewable electricity, like shipping, aviation, and steelmaking. The challenge is that it takes energy to make hydrogen in the first place. Today the vast majority is made in a carbon-intensive process involving natural gas or coal.
There is an alternative method, called electrolysis, which extracts hydrogen from water using electricity and doesn’t directly release emissions. But it’s too expensive to be competitive with the fossil fuel version right now. The tax credit in the Inflation Reduction Act could change that, but to qualify, hydrogen producers would have to prove their electricity is carbon-free, too.
That’s where nuclear power comes in.
There are many reasons nuclear plants are considered a good fit for this process. Electrolyzers, the enabling technology for electrolysis, are still relatively new and expensive. Nuclear reactors could power them 24/7, maximizing production.
Nuclear plants are also well-located. They sit near bodies of water, which is necessary for electrolysis. They’re often adjacent to rail lines that could transport the resulting hydrogen. And many are close to heavy industrial sites that could become customers.
There’s potential for efficiency gains — a lot of nuclear reactors already require a bit of hydrogen for their operations, so they could produce their own instead of shipping it in.
And perhaps most thrillingly, nuclear reactors produce a lot of heat. With a more nascent version of the technology called high temperature electrolysis, that heat could be harnessed to boil water into steam, reducing the amount of energy required to extract hydrogen from it.
Unfortunately, there’s one big drawback. The nation’s existing nuclear plants already run at more than 90% capacity. They supply nearly 20% of total annual electricity generation. They don’t exactly have more energy to give.
Esposito and others warn that the hydrogen tax credit is so lucrative that if the Treasury’s upcoming rules allow existing reactors to qualify as a zero-emissions source of electricity, it would create a perverse incentive for nuclear companies to start diverting their power to hydrogen production. Nuclear plants currently earn about $30 per megawatt-hour from energy markets, but Esposito estimates they could earn $60 to $70 per megawatt-hour by producing hydrogen. Though indirectly, this would almost certainly increase U.S. emissions in the near term.
“You could see a world where all of the U.S. nukes pivot to supplying electrolyzers and just print money that way,” said Esposito. “Then you're pulling off 20% of U.S. power, and fossil fuels would be what fill in for that, because we just can't build clean energy fast enough to replace it.”
But Constellation Energy, the country’s largest owner of nuclear plants, with big plans to produce hydrogen, argues that letting its reactors qualify under the tax credit rules isn’t about printing money, but about making clean hydrogen cheap enough that customers actually buy it.
“By lowering the cost of the hydrogen, the tax credit is going to increase the ability of manufacturers and other hydrogen users to decarbonize their operations,” Mason Emnett, senior vice president of public policy at Constellation, told me. “Without that support, there's just not going to be a market for clean hydrogen.”
Top Department of Energy officials seem to agree. “We're very hopeful that [the tax credit] will be applicable to existing reactors,” Dr. Kathryn Huff, assistant secretary of the Office of Nuclear Energy, told me in an interview.
The Department of Energy has long been excited by the synergies between nuclear plants and hydrogen production. In fact, just a few years ago, the agency saw hydrogen as a new market that could save the nation’s nuclear plants, which were shutting down left and right as they struggled to compete with the cheap natural gas of the fracking boom.
But today, natural gas prices are up. There’s a bevy of new government grants and subsidies from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act to keep nuclear plants open. Now hydrogen looks more like a great business opportunity than a savior for the industry.
Last September, not long after the Inflation Reduction Act was signed, Morgan Stanley issued a report noting that Constellation was poised to unlock new opportunities for its nuclear plants and “attractive returns for hydrogen facilities,” according to S&PGlobal. If the company dedicated just 5% of its capacity to hydrogen production, the report said, it could increase its annual earnings before taxes by $300 to $350 million.
Constellation made its first big move in February, announcing plans to build a $900 million hydrogen production facility in the Midwest that will use 250 MW of its existing capacity. That’s only about 1% of the company’s total nuclear fleet. But to Esposito, it’s a worrisome sign.
“It’s very likely we’d see many other similar announcements,” he told me. “And crucially, as these clean energy resources switch from powering the grid to producing hydrogen, we’d be losing our cheapest existing sources of clean electricity.”
It’s also concerning to climate advocates in Illinois, where Constellation owns six nuclear plants. The state has an ambitious clean energy goal, and is counting on those reactors to be a source of always-available, carbon-free electricity as it shuts down coal plants and builds more renewables.
“Even if it's small, that's still headed in the wrong direction in a world where we are fighting as hard as we can to quickly decarbonize the power sector,” said JC Kibbey, a clean energy advocate with the Natural Resources Defense Council in Illinois.
Constellation doesn’t see that as the company’s problem. Emnett said that much of its nuclear generation is already contracted out to local utilities for the benefit of customers for the next several years, meaning it can’t be “diverted” to hydrogen, at least until those contracts are up. The rest is theirs to sell to whomever wants to buy it. “There's no diversion of electricity,” he said. “There's electricity that is available for use, and we can sell electricity to power a shopping center or we can sell electricity to power an electrolyzer for hydrogen production.”
Constellation also makes the case that if one of its reactors are powering a hydrogen plant on-site, without using the grid at all, there should be no question that the process is carbon-free.
But Rachel Fakhry, a senior climate and clean energy advocate at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said it doesn’t matter whether a hydrogen facility is connected directly to a clean power source or whether it gets power through the grid. The issue is when no new, clean resources have been built to support this big new source of demand. In either case, less nuclear power will be flowing to other customers, and more coal or gas-fired generation will ramp up to fill in the gap. Electrolysis is so energy-intensive that those indirect emissions would be higher than emissions from current hydrogen production using natural gas. “Treasury must account for those induced emissions,” Fakhry said.
Many climate and energy policy experts agree that the resulting hydrogen should not be subsidized, or considered “clean.”
The law itself sends mixed messages to the Treasury about what Congress intended. It says the Department must account for “lifecycle” greenhouse gas emissions from hydrogen production, but it also includes a clause that explicitly permits existing nuclear plant operators to claim the tax credit.
Fakhry argued this should not be interpreted to mean nuclear companies are entitled to the credit. She said one way existing plants could qualify is if they are modified to increase their power output.
Some experts see a middle ground. Adam Stein, director of the Nuclear Energy Innovation program at the Breakthrough Institute, said those induced emissions are not the full picture.
He cited a number of other factors to consider, like the fact that one of the main obstacles to building new sources of clean energy right now is a clogged electric grid. If diverting some nuclear power to hydrogen frees up some room on the grid, that could be a good thing. “The question does not become, in my view, whether nuclear power plants should be eligible for this,” he said. “It’s at what point in the sliding scale of percentage of the tax credit they should be eligible for.” The tax credit is tiered, such that companies can earn different amounts depending on the carbon intensity of their production process.
In a sense, the debate is also about short-term and long-term priorities.
When I asked Huff, the assistant secretary in the Office of Nuclear Energy, whether she felt there were any risks of pairing nuclear and hydrogen, she only noted the shortcomings of not doing so. “I think there are risks in terms of whether or not we can successfully scale up a hydrogen economy,” she said. “There is this risk that it never materializes.”
Her colleague Jason Tokey, the team lead for reactor optimization and modernization chimed in. “As a country, we're not seeking to just decarbonize the power grid, we're seeking to decarbonize the entire economy,” he said. “Clean hydrogen has a critical role to play in that economy-wide decarbonization, and using clean energy sources like nuclear to produce hydrogen really enables that.”
The agency is also excited about the prospect of innovations that could help decarbonize both the grid and the rest of the economy. There are already hours of the day in some places where nuclear plants aren’t needed because there’s so much solar power being produced, said Huff. She said the “operational vision” is to have nuclear operators learn how to switch back and forth between serving the grid and offloading their power into hydrogen when it’s not needed, which will enable more renewable resources to come online. “It is absolutely imperative that we make sure nuclear plants can flex with the grid.”
Emnett said Constellation is planning to test this out at Nine Mile Point, a nuclear plant in upstate New York that received $5.8 million from the DOE for a hydrogen production pilot project.
“We are excited about the possibility of creating flexibility for nuclear plants,” he said. “You can start to think about a system where nuclear with flexible hydrogen production is pairing with variable wind and solar and batteries in a decarbonized future world. And so we're at a point now where we're proving out those capabilities.”
But without the tax credit, he said, “there's just not any conversation, there's no ability to explore the innovation, because we never get out of the gate.”
Whether that gate should be swung open or shut is now in the hands of the U.S. Department of Treasury.
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1. Marion County, Indiana — State legislators made a U-turn this week in Indiana.
2. Baldwin County, Alabama — Alabamians are fighting a solar project they say was dropped into their laps without adequate warning.
3. Orleans Parish, Louisiana — The Crescent City has closed its doors to data centers, at least until next year.
A conversation with Emily Pritzkow of Wisconsin Building Trades
This week’s conversation is with Emily Pritzkow, executive director for the Wisconsin Building Trades, which represents over 40,000 workers at 15 unions, including the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the International Union of Operating Engineers, and the Wisconsin Pipe Trades Association. I wanted to speak with her about the kinds of jobs needed to build and maintain data centers and whether they have a big impact on how communities view a project. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
So first of all, how do data centers actually drive employment for your members?
From an infrastructure perspective, these are massive hyperscale projects. They require extensive electrical infrastructure and really sophisticated cooling systems, work that will sustain our building trades workforce for years – and beyond, because as you probably see, these facilities often expand. Within the building trades, we see the most work on these projects. Our electricians and almost every other skilled trade you can think of, they’re on site not only building facilities but maintaining them after the fact.
We also view it through the lens of requiring our skilled trades to be there for ongoing maintenance, system upgrades, and emergency repairs.
What’s the access level for these jobs?
If you have a union signatory employer and you work for them, you will need to complete an apprenticeship to get the skills you need, or it can be through the union directly. It’s folks from all ranges of life, whether they’re just graduating from high school or, well, I was recently talking to an office manager who had a 50-year-old apprentice.
These apprenticeship programs are done at our training centers. They’re funded through contributions from our journey workers and from our signatory contractors. We have programs without taxpayer dollars and use our existing workforce to bring on the next generation.
Where’s the interest in these jobs at the moment? I’m trying to understand the extent to which potential employment benefits are welcomed by communities with data center development.
This is a hot topic right now. And it’s a complicated topic and an issue that’s evolving – technology is evolving. But what we do find is engagement from the trades is a huge benefit to these projects when they come to a community because we are the community. We have operated in Wisconsin for 130 years. Our partnership with our building trades unions is often viewed by local stakeholders as the first step of building trust, frankly; they know that when we’re on a project, it’s their neighbors getting good jobs and their kids being able to perhaps train in their own backyard. And local officials know our track record. We’re accountable to stakeholders.
We are a valuable player when we are engaged and involved in these sting decisions.
When do you get engaged and to what extent?
Everyone operates differently but we often get engaged pretty early on because, obviously, our workforce is necessary to build the project. They need the manpower, they need to talk to us early on about what pipeline we have for the work. We need to talk about build-out expectations and timelines and apprenticeship recruitment, so we’re involved early on. We’ve had notable partnerships, like Microsoft in southeast Wisconsin. They’re now the single largest taxpayer in Racine County. That project is now looking to expand.
When we are involved early on, it really shows what can happen. And there are incredible stories coming out of that job site every day about what that work has meant for our union members.
To what extent are some of these communities taking in the labor piece when it comes to data centers?
I think that’s a challenging question to answer because it varies on the individual person, on what their priority is as a member of a community. What they know, what they prioritize.
Across the board, again, we’re a known entity. We are not an external player; we live in these communities and often have training centers in them. They know the value that comes from our workers and the careers we provide.
I don’t think I’ve seen anyone who says that is a bad thing. But I do think there are other factors people are weighing when they’re considering these projects and they’re incredibly personal.
How do you reckon with the personal nature of this issue, given the employment of your members is also at stake? How do you grapple with that?
Well, look, we respect, over anything else, local decision-making. That’s how this should work.
We’re not here to push through something that is not embraced by communities. We are there to answer questions and good actors and provide information about our workforce, what it can mean. But these are decisions individual communities need to make together.
What sorts of communities are welcoming these projects, from your perspective?
That’s another challenging question because I think we only have a few to go off of here.
I would say more information earlier on the better. That’s true in any case, but especially with this. For us, when we go about our day-to-day activities, that is how our most successful projects work. Good communication. Time to think things through. It is very early days, so we have some great success stories we can point to but definitely more to come.
The number of data centers opposed in Republican-voting areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
It’s probably an exaggeration to say that there are more alligators than people in Colleton County, South Carolina, but it’s close. A rural swath of the Lowcountry that went for Trump by almost 20%, the “alligator alley” is nearly 10% coastal marshes and wetlands, and is home to one of the largest undeveloped watersheds in the nation. Only 38,600 people — about the population of New York’s Kew Gardens neighborhood — call the county home.
Colleton County could soon have a new landmark, though: South Carolina’s first gigawatt data center project, proposed by Eagle Rock Partners.
That’s if it overcomes mounting local opposition, however. Although the White House has drummed up data centers as the key to beating China in the race for AI dominance, Heatmap Pro data indicate that a backlash is growing from deep within President Donald Trump’s strongholds in rural America.
According to Heatmap Pro data, there are 129 embattled data centers located in Republican-voting areas. The vast majority of these counties are rural; just six occurred in counties with more than 1,000 people per square mile. That’s compared with 93 projects opposed in Democratic areas, which are much more evenly distributed across rural and more urban areas.
Most of this opposition is fairly recent. Six months ago, only 28 data centers proposed in low-density, Trump-friendly countries faced community opposition. In the past six months, that number has jumped by 95 projects. Heatmap’s data “shows there is a split, especially if you look at where data centers have been opposed over the past six months or so,” says Charlie Clynes, a data analyst with Heatmap Pro. “Most of the data centers facing new fights are in Republican places that are relatively sparsely populated, and so you’re seeing more conflict there than in Democratic areas, especially in Democratic areas that are sparsely populated.”
All in all, the number of data centers that have faced opposition in Republican areas has risen 330% over the past six months.
Our polling reflects the breakdown in the GOP: Rural Republicans exhibit greater resistance to hypothetical data center projects in their communities than urban Republicans: only 45% of GOP voters in rural areas support data centers being built nearby, compared with nearly 60% of urban Republicans.

Such a pattern recently played out in Livingston County, Michigan, a farming area that went 61% for President Donald Trump, and “is known for being friendly to businesses.” Like Colleton County, the Michigan county has low population density; last fall, hundreds of the residents of Howell Township attended public meetings to oppose Meta’s proposed 1,000-acre, $1 billion AI training data center in their community. Ultimately, the uprising was successful, and the developer withdrew the Livingston County project.
Across the five case studies I looked at today for The Fight — in addition to Colleton and Livingston Counties, Carson County, Texas; Tucker County, West Virginia; and Columbia County, Georgia, are three other red, rural examples of communities that opposed data centers, albeit without success — opposition tended to be rooted in concerns about water consumption, noise pollution, and environmental degradation. Returning to South Carolina for a moment: One of the two Colleton residents suing the county for its data center-friendly zoning ordinance wrote in a press release that he is doing so because “we cannot allow” a data center “to threaten our star-filled night skies, natural quiet, and enjoyment of landscapes with light, water, and noise pollution.” (In general, our polling has found that people who strongly oppose clean energy are also most likely to oppose data centers.)
Rural Republicans’ recent turn on data centers is significant. Of 222 data centers that have faced or are currently facing opposition, the majority — 55% —are located in red low-population-density areas. Developers take note: Contrary to their sleepy outside appearances, counties like South Carolina’s alligator alley clearly have teeth.