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What happens when America’s biggest source of clean energy pivots to hydrogen?

After the Inflation Reduction Act was signed into law, and initial excitement about its historic investment in tackling climate change turned to deeper analysis, researchers made an alarming discovery. One of the IRA’s big ticket items, a tax credit for clean hydrogen, risks underwriting a major increase in emissions if not implemented carefully. That finding has erupted into a high-stakes debate over how the Treasury Department should define “clean hydrogen.”
Treasury’s decision, which is expected in the coming weeks, will have many implications, but one that deserves more scrutiny is what it could mean for nuclear power, still the largest and most reliable source of carbon-free energy in the U.S.
Nuclear reactors are uniquely well-suited to power hydrogen production, which in turn holds great promise to clean up some of the hardest parts of the economy to decarbonize.
But there's a trade-off: If any of the existing nuclear fleet pivots to making hydrogen, coal and natural gas plants are likely to fill in for that lost power on the grid. That would drive up emissions in the near term and make it harder for states to achieve their clean energy goals.
The debate boils down to whether it’s more advantageous to use our existing nuclear fleet to kickstart a hydrogen economy — likely sacrificing near-term emission reductions in the process — or to shore up a carbon-free grid.
This is what the Treasury Department must grapple with as it writes the rules for the new tax credit. In an exclusive interview with Heatmap, officials from the Department of Energy, which is advising the Treasury, said they want to see existing nuclear plants qualify. But as Daniel Esposito, a senior policy analyst at the nonprofit Energy Innovation, told me, “There's just a lot of layers to how bad this can get.”
Hydrogen already plays an essential, yet small role in the global economy as an ingredient in the production of fertilizer and oil refining. But as the world looks for alternatives to fossil fuels, hydrogen, which burns without releasing carbon, could play a much bigger role by powering industries that are proving difficult to decarbonize with renewable electricity, like shipping, aviation, and steelmaking. The challenge is that it takes energy to make hydrogen in the first place. Today the vast majority is made in a carbon-intensive process involving natural gas or coal.
There is an alternative method, called electrolysis, which extracts hydrogen from water using electricity and doesn’t directly release emissions. But it’s too expensive to be competitive with the fossil fuel version right now. The tax credit in the Inflation Reduction Act could change that, but to qualify, hydrogen producers would have to prove their electricity is carbon-free, too.
That’s where nuclear power comes in.
There are many reasons nuclear plants are considered a good fit for this process. Electrolyzers, the enabling technology for electrolysis, are still relatively new and expensive. Nuclear reactors could power them 24/7, maximizing production.
Nuclear plants are also well-located. They sit near bodies of water, which is necessary for electrolysis. They’re often adjacent to rail lines that could transport the resulting hydrogen. And many are close to heavy industrial sites that could become customers.
There’s potential for efficiency gains — a lot of nuclear reactors already require a bit of hydrogen for their operations, so they could produce their own instead of shipping it in.
And perhaps most thrillingly, nuclear reactors produce a lot of heat. With a more nascent version of the technology called high temperature electrolysis, that heat could be harnessed to boil water into steam, reducing the amount of energy required to extract hydrogen from it.
Unfortunately, there’s one big drawback. The nation’s existing nuclear plants already run at more than 90% capacity. They supply nearly 20% of total annual electricity generation. They don’t exactly have more energy to give.
Esposito and others warn that the hydrogen tax credit is so lucrative that if the Treasury’s upcoming rules allow existing reactors to qualify as a zero-emissions source of electricity, it would create a perverse incentive for nuclear companies to start diverting their power to hydrogen production. Nuclear plants currently earn about $30 per megawatt-hour from energy markets, but Esposito estimates they could earn $60 to $70 per megawatt-hour by producing hydrogen. Though indirectly, this would almost certainly increase U.S. emissions in the near term.
“You could see a world where all of the U.S. nukes pivot to supplying electrolyzers and just print money that way,” said Esposito. “Then you're pulling off 20% of U.S. power, and fossil fuels would be what fill in for that, because we just can't build clean energy fast enough to replace it.”
But Constellation Energy, the country’s largest owner of nuclear plants, with big plans to produce hydrogen, argues that letting its reactors qualify under the tax credit rules isn’t about printing money, but about making clean hydrogen cheap enough that customers actually buy it.
“By lowering the cost of the hydrogen, the tax credit is going to increase the ability of manufacturers and other hydrogen users to decarbonize their operations,” Mason Emnett, senior vice president of public policy at Constellation, told me. “Without that support, there's just not going to be a market for clean hydrogen.”
Top Department of Energy officials seem to agree. “We're very hopeful that [the tax credit] will be applicable to existing reactors,” Dr. Kathryn Huff, assistant secretary of the Office of Nuclear Energy, told me in an interview.
The Department of Energy has long been excited by the synergies between nuclear plants and hydrogen production. In fact, just a few years ago, the agency saw hydrogen as a new market that could save the nation’s nuclear plants, which were shutting down left and right as they struggled to compete with the cheap natural gas of the fracking boom.
But today, natural gas prices are up. There’s a bevy of new government grants and subsidies from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act to keep nuclear plants open. Now hydrogen looks more like a great business opportunity than a savior for the industry.
Last September, not long after the Inflation Reduction Act was signed, Morgan Stanley issued a report noting that Constellation was poised to unlock new opportunities for its nuclear plants and “attractive returns for hydrogen facilities,” according to S&PGlobal. If the company dedicated just 5% of its capacity to hydrogen production, the report said, it could increase its annual earnings before taxes by $300 to $350 million.
Constellation made its first big move in February, announcing plans to build a $900 million hydrogen production facility in the Midwest that will use 250 MW of its existing capacity. That’s only about 1% of the company’s total nuclear fleet. But to Esposito, it’s a worrisome sign.
“It’s very likely we’d see many other similar announcements,” he told me. “And crucially, as these clean energy resources switch from powering the grid to producing hydrogen, we’d be losing our cheapest existing sources of clean electricity.”
It’s also concerning to climate advocates in Illinois, where Constellation owns six nuclear plants. The state has an ambitious clean energy goal, and is counting on those reactors to be a source of always-available, carbon-free electricity as it shuts down coal plants and builds more renewables.
“Even if it's small, that's still headed in the wrong direction in a world where we are fighting as hard as we can to quickly decarbonize the power sector,” said JC Kibbey, a clean energy advocate with the Natural Resources Defense Council in Illinois.
Constellation doesn’t see that as the company’s problem. Emnett said that much of its nuclear generation is already contracted out to local utilities for the benefit of customers for the next several years, meaning it can’t be “diverted” to hydrogen, at least until those contracts are up. The rest is theirs to sell to whomever wants to buy it. “There's no diversion of electricity,” he said. “There's electricity that is available for use, and we can sell electricity to power a shopping center or we can sell electricity to power an electrolyzer for hydrogen production.”
Constellation also makes the case that if one of its reactors are powering a hydrogen plant on-site, without using the grid at all, there should be no question that the process is carbon-free.
But Rachel Fakhry, a senior climate and clean energy advocate at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said it doesn’t matter whether a hydrogen facility is connected directly to a clean power source or whether it gets power through the grid. The issue is when no new, clean resources have been built to support this big new source of demand. In either case, less nuclear power will be flowing to other customers, and more coal or gas-fired generation will ramp up to fill in the gap. Electrolysis is so energy-intensive that those indirect emissions would be higher than emissions from current hydrogen production using natural gas. “Treasury must account for those induced emissions,” Fakhry said.
Many climate and energy policy experts agree that the resulting hydrogen should not be subsidized, or considered “clean.”
The law itself sends mixed messages to the Treasury about what Congress intended. It says the Department must account for “lifecycle” greenhouse gas emissions from hydrogen production, but it also includes a clause that explicitly permits existing nuclear plant operators to claim the tax credit.
Fakhry argued this should not be interpreted to mean nuclear companies are entitled to the credit. She said one way existing plants could qualify is if they are modified to increase their power output.
Some experts see a middle ground. Adam Stein, director of the Nuclear Energy Innovation program at the Breakthrough Institute, said those induced emissions are not the full picture.
He cited a number of other factors to consider, like the fact that one of the main obstacles to building new sources of clean energy right now is a clogged electric grid. If diverting some nuclear power to hydrogen frees up some room on the grid, that could be a good thing. “The question does not become, in my view, whether nuclear power plants should be eligible for this,” he said. “It’s at what point in the sliding scale of percentage of the tax credit they should be eligible for.” The tax credit is tiered, such that companies can earn different amounts depending on the carbon intensity of their production process.
In a sense, the debate is also about short-term and long-term priorities.
When I asked Huff, the assistant secretary in the Office of Nuclear Energy, whether she felt there were any risks of pairing nuclear and hydrogen, she only noted the shortcomings of not doing so. “I think there are risks in terms of whether or not we can successfully scale up a hydrogen economy,” she said. “There is this risk that it never materializes.”
Her colleague Jason Tokey, the team lead for reactor optimization and modernization chimed in. “As a country, we're not seeking to just decarbonize the power grid, we're seeking to decarbonize the entire economy,” he said. “Clean hydrogen has a critical role to play in that economy-wide decarbonization, and using clean energy sources like nuclear to produce hydrogen really enables that.”
The agency is also excited about the prospect of innovations that could help decarbonize both the grid and the rest of the economy. There are already hours of the day in some places where nuclear plants aren’t needed because there’s so much solar power being produced, said Huff. She said the “operational vision” is to have nuclear operators learn how to switch back and forth between serving the grid and offloading their power into hydrogen when it’s not needed, which will enable more renewable resources to come online. “It is absolutely imperative that we make sure nuclear plants can flex with the grid.”
Emnett said Constellation is planning to test this out at Nine Mile Point, a nuclear plant in upstate New York that received $5.8 million from the DOE for a hydrogen production pilot project.
“We are excited about the possibility of creating flexibility for nuclear plants,” he said. “You can start to think about a system where nuclear with flexible hydrogen production is pairing with variable wind and solar and batteries in a decarbonized future world. And so we're at a point now where we're proving out those capabilities.”
But without the tax credit, he said, “there's just not any conversation, there's no ability to explore the innovation, because we never get out of the gate.”
Whether that gate should be swung open or shut is now in the hands of the U.S. Department of Treasury.
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As SPCX hits the Nasdaq, here’s some more from our Musk Mafia survey.
Hopefully by now you’ve read our comprehensive look at Elon Musk’s “climate tech mafia” — a coterie of founders and executives running clean energy and decarbonization companies who jumpstarted their careers at Tesla and SpaceX. But, to quote another hardware executive, we have one more thing.
The backbone of this story was responses to a questionnaire we sent the executives and founders on our list, and we got more great responses than we were able to put in the story, so we wanted to share some of the most insightful and surprising answers they gave us here.
Mateo Jaramillo
Founder and CEO, Form Energy
Formerly: VP Products & Programs, Tesla Energy
“During my time at Tesla, I realized there was a lot of opportunity for energy storage beyond lithium-ion that had never really been commercialized. What I heard over and over again from utility executives while building up the lithium-ion business was that there was a need for something offering much longer duration. Absent that kind of storage, you’re going to build two grids — a renewable grid and a thermal-based grid for reliability — and neither one becomes particularly cost-efficient. So that was the space I went on to go explore.”
Philipp Schröder
Founder and CEO, 1KOMMA5°
Formerly: Country director for Germany and Austria, Tesla
“Total electrification as a precondition for clean energy abundance was a core realization during my time at Tesla. Electrification merges mobility, heating, cooling, and regular consumption into one mega energy stack. That realization also led to our Masterplan for founding 1KOMMA5°.”
Justin Lopas
COO and cofounder, Base Power
Formerly: Lead engineer for Starship manufacturing, SpaceX
“You can get way more done in a day and can move way faster than you think. This does not mean necessarily more hours (although solving any hard problem requires that too), but instead being thoughtful about sequencing work, not accepting delays from suppliers or external counterparties without solid rationale, parallel pathing, accelerating critical learnings to early in the project, etc.”
Cole Ashman
Founder and CEO, PILA
Formerly: Product and applications engineer, Tesla Powerwall
“Question every requirement. It was something that permeated Tesla engineering culture — start from the best possible way to do something and solve for that, instead of letting perceived constraints define what you build.”
Jonathan Criss
Founder and CEO, Vital Lyfe
Formerly: Manager, Starlink development engineering
“At SpaceX, you were expected to own the full outcome, not just your piece of it. I could not go to Elon and say the program slipped because the bathrooms overflowed. He would call me dumb and ask why I did not fix the bathrooms. That mindset forces you to think through every possible failure mode and take responsibility for the overall result. It is basically like running a mini business inside the larger business that is SpaceX.”
Landon Mossburg
Founder and CEO, Peak Energy
Formerly: Director of software engineering and operations, Tesla
“Tesla instills a culture of resourcefulness and extreme cash conservatism when building out operational systems. Being part of that environment teaches you how to design highly effective, creative solutions without wasting capital, allowing us to hit our deployment milestones while remaining exceptionally lean and disciplined with our funding.”
Arch Rao
Founder and CEO, Span
Formerly: Head of products, application, and sales engineering, Tesla Energy
“J.B. Straubel is easily one of the smartest yet incredibly humble engineers and leaders I’ve had the opportunity to work with. He has deep domain knowledge and a keen sense of how to build a high-performance team. To this day, I connect with him to talk about technical ideas and for mentorship.”
Kunal Girotra
Founder and CEO, Lunar Energy
Formerly: Senior director and head of Tesla Energy
“J.B. [Straubel] and Drew [Baglino] were both influential in how they helped solve complex problems within the company while dealing with constant pressure on cash and company survival — [the] company wasn’t the insanity of stock price that it is right now. The formative periods of Tesla were the ones that defined the company, and both of them led from the front.”
Current conditions: The powerful storm system rolling through the Midwest and the Plains on Thursday caused more than 350 incidents of severe weather in just two states, Iowa and Michigan • New York City is getting its own thunderstorm today, which will break the heat going into the weekend • Temperatures in Mecca are already 110 degrees Fahrenheit, and will climb higher on Saturday.
The Department of Energy has reversed its terminations of 11 grants to clean energy projects in states that voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris in 2024. The move comes months after the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia ruled that the cancellations violated the Fifth Amendment’s equal protection guarantee, citing the continuation of comparable grants to states that voted for President Donald Trump in the election. Under the terms of an agreement between the litigants and the federal government filed on Thursday, the Energy Department will vacate the terminations. Among the primary reasons for the decision, according to a blog post from a network for former Energy Department officials, is that the agency itself admitted that part of its justification for canceling the projects was that they were listed in documents as taking place in “blue states.” But it wasn’t just Democratic-leaning states that were targeted in the initial cuts last fall. As Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo wrote, red state projects were on the chopping block, too.
With shares set to start trading on the Nasdaq this morning, SpaceX is on track to become a $1.7 trillion behemoth after raising roughly $75 billion at its stock market debut. Elon Musk’s rocket business, which has also emerged as one of the world’s leading satellite internet providers, is aiming to launch its first extraterrestrial data center in 2028.
Musk’s business empire has spawned an entire ecosystem of companies looking to innovate on hardware and categories venture capitalists call “deep tech.” As Emily and Matthew Zeitlin wrote in a feature yesterday, Musk — once a don of the PayPal mafia — has now emerged at the helm of a new “climate tech mafia” that includes such startups as the next-generation transformer maker Heron Power and the fusion company Maritime Fusion.

Michigan utility regulators should reject utility giant Consumers Energy’s proposed sale of 13 hydroelectric dams to a private equity buyer. In a 312-page ruling detailed by Bridge Michigan, an administrative law judge called the utility’s plan to sell the dams and buy back power at an inflated price “highly problematic” and “inconsistent with the public interest.”
The proposed deal is a sign of growing interest in hydropower, even as existing dams struggle through lengthy relicensing processes. Just last month, the investment firm Hull Street bought the North American hydro giant First Light. Last July, Google brokered the biggest hydropower deal in history, purchasing 3 gigawatts of power.
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General Motors has inked a deal with the sodium-ion battery startup Peak Energy to deploy the competitors to lithium power packs as energy storage systems. The automaker’s investment arm, GM Ventures, will back a partnership with Peak Energy (incidentally another Musk mafia company, co-founded by former Tesla director Landon Mossburg). The move highlights electric vehicle manufacturers’ shift toward grid storage as the battery-making capacity that came online has failed to find demand for all-electric cars. “We believe sodium-ion will be a defining chemistry for grid-scale energy storage systems in the years ahead,” Kurt Kelty, vice president of battery and sustainability at General Motors, said in a statement to InsideEVs.
The United Kingdom is preparing to build Europe’s largest direct air capture facility. Three companies — the developer Progressive Energy, and the carbon-capture specialists Airhive and Mission Zero Technologies — formed a joint venture to build a new plant in northeast England, Bloomberg reported. The venture, wittily named UnionDAC, would come online in 2030 and sequester 60,000 tons annually within two years.
In the U.S., meanwhile, the startup Twelve brought the world’s first commercial e-fuels plant online, using direct air capture to suck CO2 out of the thin air. The company, according to Hydrogen Insight, already has offtake agreements with Alaska Airlines and Microsoft.
New York is officially moving forward with its ambitious nuclear plans. On Thursday, the state Public Service Commission launched a bid to procure 8.4 gigawatts of nuclear power to serve as the “backbone of zero emissions electricity.” The process kicks off with “a full examination of ways to bring new advanced nuclear power online in a timely, cost-effective manner.” In a statement, Governor Kathy Hochul, a Democrat up for reelection this year, said advanced nuclear “is one of the best available options to provide both relief to consumers and strengthen the resilience of New York’s grid with round-the-clock emissions-free energy,” noting that the push is part of her “vision for an all-of-the-above energy strategy that includes renewables and other forms of energy to keep the lights on.”
The former ExxonMobil CEO left his legacy both on the Earth and in the sky.
Lee Raymond, the former ExxonMobil chief executive who became one of the country’s most important and influential climate science deniers, died in Dallas on Saturday. His death was announced today.
Raymond would probably count as a world-historic figure even if viewed only through the lens of the fossil fuel business. As Exxon’s chief executive, he personally negotiated the company’s merger with Mobil, creating the modern oil and gas juggernaut ExxonMobil in 2000 — and uniting two major pieces of the old Standard Oil monopoly. He ran Exxon from 1993 to 1999, and then ExxonMobil until 2005, at a crucial period in the history of that company, turning it from a diversified conglomerate that sold office furniture, real estate, and uranium fuel into a streamlined and exorbitantly profitable oil and gas business. Even before taking over the company, he managed its response to the disastrous Exxon Valdez oil spill; he later oversaw a worker safety push that would be widely copied by the industry.
In a way, he transformed Exxon from a company that was itself a portfolio — that distinguished itself via managerial competence across business lines — into a ruthlessly focused oil and gas supermajor meant to sit inside other people’s portfolios and churn out cash. Under his leadership, ExxonMobil became the world’s most profitable publicly traded company; it later lost that title to Apple.
Yet even if Raymond had merely played a bit part in the history of oil and gas, he would remain essential to the modern ordeal of climate change. Today, people throw around the “climate change denier” label often enough that it has lost some of its charge. But Raymond was the genuine article, a true villain. It was Raymond who turned ExxonMobil into one of the world’s most important funders of falsehood and denial about fundamental climate science research.
Raymond, an engineer by training, straightforwardly rejected the mainstream scientific consensus that carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels cause climate change. Even though Exxon’s in-house climate research arm knew by the late 1970s that “there is no doubt” fossil fuels worsened the “potential problem of CO2 in the atmosphere,” Raymond did everything he could to elevate more industry-friendly perspectives. And he was willing to muddy the truth to win.
Under Raymond’s leadership, Exxon spent millions of dollars funding a shadowy network of think tanks and pseudo-scientific groups who published memos, briefings, and advertisements meant to cast doubt on climate change. As the journalist Steve Coll wrote in his book Private Empire,
Under Lee Raymond, ExxonMobil had persistently funded a public policy campaign in Washington and elsewhere that was transparently designed to raise public skepticism about the science that identified fossil fuels as a cause of global warming. ExxonMobil ran some aspects of its campaign clandestinely; that is, it did not initially disclose the full scope and purpose of contributions it made. […] What distinguished the corporation's activity during the late 1990s and the first Bush term was the way it crossed into disinformation.
In his capacity as CEO, Raymond made it clear that he personally rejected bedrock science. “Is the Earth really warming? Does burning fossil fuels cause global warming? And do we now have a reasonable scientific basis for predicting future temperature?,” he asked rhetorically during a 1997 meeting of the World Petroleum Congress in Beijing.
He answered all three questions in the negative, concluding, “Let’s agree there’s a lot we really don't know about how climate will change in the 21st century and beyond.” (In fact, we now know that even ExxonMobil’s primitive in-house climate models, then 20 years old, basically got global warming right.) He also claimed — we now know incorrectly — that any policy passed in the 1990s would be “very unlikely” to affect the future trajectory of mid-21st-century emissions declines.
The campaign worked. Exxon’s activism during this period, conducted sub and supra rosa, helped prevent the passage of major global and domestic climate policy in the 1990s; it also kept the United States from developing expertise in the solar, wind, and battery industries that other countries now dominate.
One of the ironies of this era is that much of modern climate science is derived from oil geology. You cannot grasp the all-important role that carbon plays in the Earth system — the way it has functioned as the thermostat for Earth’s climate over the long run — without a rich understanding of what the fossil record tells us about the Permian, Carboniferous, or the Upper Jurassic periods.
Take the Permian, for instance: When it began 299 million years ago, the Earth was relatively cool, with atmospheric CO2 levels somewhere around 200 to 400 parts per million. But soon enormous volcanoes ignited subterranean stores of fossil fuels, dumping thousands of gigatons of carbon into the atmosphere and initiating an era of rapid global warming and ocean acidification. When the Permian ended 252 million years ago in the largest mass extinction in Earth’s history — an annihilation that climate scientists call “the Great Dying” — atmospheric CO2 was closer to 2,500 parts per million.
When Lee Raymond was born in South Dakota in 1938, the atmosphere’s CO2 concentration sat at about 311 parts per million. When he died last week, it read 421 parts per million. Look at it this way, I suppose: Many people would feel captive to a change of that magnitude. But Raymond did something about it.