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What happens when America’s biggest source of clean energy pivots to hydrogen?

After the Inflation Reduction Act was signed into law, and initial excitement about its historic investment in tackling climate change turned to deeper analysis, researchers made an alarming discovery. One of the IRA’s big ticket items, a tax credit for clean hydrogen, risks underwriting a major increase in emissions if not implemented carefully. That finding has erupted into a high-stakes debate over how the Treasury Department should define “clean hydrogen.”
Treasury’s decision, which is expected in the coming weeks, will have many implications, but one that deserves more scrutiny is what it could mean for nuclear power, still the largest and most reliable source of carbon-free energy in the U.S.
Nuclear reactors are uniquely well-suited to power hydrogen production, which in turn holds great promise to clean up some of the hardest parts of the economy to decarbonize.
But there's a trade-off: If any of the existing nuclear fleet pivots to making hydrogen, coal and natural gas plants are likely to fill in for that lost power on the grid. That would drive up emissions in the near term and make it harder for states to achieve their clean energy goals.
The debate boils down to whether it’s more advantageous to use our existing nuclear fleet to kickstart a hydrogen economy — likely sacrificing near-term emission reductions in the process — or to shore up a carbon-free grid.
This is what the Treasury Department must grapple with as it writes the rules for the new tax credit. In an exclusive interview with Heatmap, officials from the Department of Energy, which is advising the Treasury, said they want to see existing nuclear plants qualify. But as Daniel Esposito, a senior policy analyst at the nonprofit Energy Innovation, told me, “There's just a lot of layers to how bad this can get.”
Hydrogen already plays an essential, yet small role in the global economy as an ingredient in the production of fertilizer and oil refining. But as the world looks for alternatives to fossil fuels, hydrogen, which burns without releasing carbon, could play a much bigger role by powering industries that are proving difficult to decarbonize with renewable electricity, like shipping, aviation, and steelmaking. The challenge is that it takes energy to make hydrogen in the first place. Today the vast majority is made in a carbon-intensive process involving natural gas or coal.
There is an alternative method, called electrolysis, which extracts hydrogen from water using electricity and doesn’t directly release emissions. But it’s too expensive to be competitive with the fossil fuel version right now. The tax credit in the Inflation Reduction Act could change that, but to qualify, hydrogen producers would have to prove their electricity is carbon-free, too.
That’s where nuclear power comes in.
There are many reasons nuclear plants are considered a good fit for this process. Electrolyzers, the enabling technology for electrolysis, are still relatively new and expensive. Nuclear reactors could power them 24/7, maximizing production.
Nuclear plants are also well-located. They sit near bodies of water, which is necessary for electrolysis. They’re often adjacent to rail lines that could transport the resulting hydrogen. And many are close to heavy industrial sites that could become customers.
There’s potential for efficiency gains — a lot of nuclear reactors already require a bit of hydrogen for their operations, so they could produce their own instead of shipping it in.
And perhaps most thrillingly, nuclear reactors produce a lot of heat. With a more nascent version of the technology called high temperature electrolysis, that heat could be harnessed to boil water into steam, reducing the amount of energy required to extract hydrogen from it.
Unfortunately, there’s one big drawback. The nation’s existing nuclear plants already run at more than 90% capacity. They supply nearly 20% of total annual electricity generation. They don’t exactly have more energy to give.
Esposito and others warn that the hydrogen tax credit is so lucrative that if the Treasury’s upcoming rules allow existing reactors to qualify as a zero-emissions source of electricity, it would create a perverse incentive for nuclear companies to start diverting their power to hydrogen production. Nuclear plants currently earn about $30 per megawatt-hour from energy markets, but Esposito estimates they could earn $60 to $70 per megawatt-hour by producing hydrogen. Though indirectly, this would almost certainly increase U.S. emissions in the near term.
“You could see a world where all of the U.S. nukes pivot to supplying electrolyzers and just print money that way,” said Esposito. “Then you're pulling off 20% of U.S. power, and fossil fuels would be what fill in for that, because we just can't build clean energy fast enough to replace it.”
But Constellation Energy, the country’s largest owner of nuclear plants, with big plans to produce hydrogen, argues that letting its reactors qualify under the tax credit rules isn’t about printing money, but about making clean hydrogen cheap enough that customers actually buy it.
“By lowering the cost of the hydrogen, the tax credit is going to increase the ability of manufacturers and other hydrogen users to decarbonize their operations,” Mason Emnett, senior vice president of public policy at Constellation, told me. “Without that support, there's just not going to be a market for clean hydrogen.”
Top Department of Energy officials seem to agree. “We're very hopeful that [the tax credit] will be applicable to existing reactors,” Dr. Kathryn Huff, assistant secretary of the Office of Nuclear Energy, told me in an interview.
The Department of Energy has long been excited by the synergies between nuclear plants and hydrogen production. In fact, just a few years ago, the agency saw hydrogen as a new market that could save the nation’s nuclear plants, which were shutting down left and right as they struggled to compete with the cheap natural gas of the fracking boom.
But today, natural gas prices are up. There’s a bevy of new government grants and subsidies from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act to keep nuclear plants open. Now hydrogen looks more like a great business opportunity than a savior for the industry.
Last September, not long after the Inflation Reduction Act was signed, Morgan Stanley issued a report noting that Constellation was poised to unlock new opportunities for its nuclear plants and “attractive returns for hydrogen facilities,” according to S&PGlobal. If the company dedicated just 5% of its capacity to hydrogen production, the report said, it could increase its annual earnings before taxes by $300 to $350 million.
Constellation made its first big move in February, announcing plans to build a $900 million hydrogen production facility in the Midwest that will use 250 MW of its existing capacity. That’s only about 1% of the company’s total nuclear fleet. But to Esposito, it’s a worrisome sign.
“It’s very likely we’d see many other similar announcements,” he told me. “And crucially, as these clean energy resources switch from powering the grid to producing hydrogen, we’d be losing our cheapest existing sources of clean electricity.”
It’s also concerning to climate advocates in Illinois, where Constellation owns six nuclear plants. The state has an ambitious clean energy goal, and is counting on those reactors to be a source of always-available, carbon-free electricity as it shuts down coal plants and builds more renewables.
“Even if it's small, that's still headed in the wrong direction in a world where we are fighting as hard as we can to quickly decarbonize the power sector,” said JC Kibbey, a clean energy advocate with the Natural Resources Defense Council in Illinois.
Constellation doesn’t see that as the company’s problem. Emnett said that much of its nuclear generation is already contracted out to local utilities for the benefit of customers for the next several years, meaning it can’t be “diverted” to hydrogen, at least until those contracts are up. The rest is theirs to sell to whomever wants to buy it. “There's no diversion of electricity,” he said. “There's electricity that is available for use, and we can sell electricity to power a shopping center or we can sell electricity to power an electrolyzer for hydrogen production.”
Constellation also makes the case that if one of its reactors are powering a hydrogen plant on-site, without using the grid at all, there should be no question that the process is carbon-free.
But Rachel Fakhry, a senior climate and clean energy advocate at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said it doesn’t matter whether a hydrogen facility is connected directly to a clean power source or whether it gets power through the grid. The issue is when no new, clean resources have been built to support this big new source of demand. In either case, less nuclear power will be flowing to other customers, and more coal or gas-fired generation will ramp up to fill in the gap. Electrolysis is so energy-intensive that those indirect emissions would be higher than emissions from current hydrogen production using natural gas. “Treasury must account for those induced emissions,” Fakhry said.
Many climate and energy policy experts agree that the resulting hydrogen should not be subsidized, or considered “clean.”
The law itself sends mixed messages to the Treasury about what Congress intended. It says the Department must account for “lifecycle” greenhouse gas emissions from hydrogen production, but it also includes a clause that explicitly permits existing nuclear plant operators to claim the tax credit.
Fakhry argued this should not be interpreted to mean nuclear companies are entitled to the credit. She said one way existing plants could qualify is if they are modified to increase their power output.
Some experts see a middle ground. Adam Stein, director of the Nuclear Energy Innovation program at the Breakthrough Institute, said those induced emissions are not the full picture.
He cited a number of other factors to consider, like the fact that one of the main obstacles to building new sources of clean energy right now is a clogged electric grid. If diverting some nuclear power to hydrogen frees up some room on the grid, that could be a good thing. “The question does not become, in my view, whether nuclear power plants should be eligible for this,” he said. “It’s at what point in the sliding scale of percentage of the tax credit they should be eligible for.” The tax credit is tiered, such that companies can earn different amounts depending on the carbon intensity of their production process.
In a sense, the debate is also about short-term and long-term priorities.
When I asked Huff, the assistant secretary in the Office of Nuclear Energy, whether she felt there were any risks of pairing nuclear and hydrogen, she only noted the shortcomings of not doing so. “I think there are risks in terms of whether or not we can successfully scale up a hydrogen economy,” she said. “There is this risk that it never materializes.”
Her colleague Jason Tokey, the team lead for reactor optimization and modernization chimed in. “As a country, we're not seeking to just decarbonize the power grid, we're seeking to decarbonize the entire economy,” he said. “Clean hydrogen has a critical role to play in that economy-wide decarbonization, and using clean energy sources like nuclear to produce hydrogen really enables that.”
The agency is also excited about the prospect of innovations that could help decarbonize both the grid and the rest of the economy. There are already hours of the day in some places where nuclear plants aren’t needed because there’s so much solar power being produced, said Huff. She said the “operational vision” is to have nuclear operators learn how to switch back and forth between serving the grid and offloading their power into hydrogen when it’s not needed, which will enable more renewable resources to come online. “It is absolutely imperative that we make sure nuclear plants can flex with the grid.”
Emnett said Constellation is planning to test this out at Nine Mile Point, a nuclear plant in upstate New York that received $5.8 million from the DOE for a hydrogen production pilot project.
“We are excited about the possibility of creating flexibility for nuclear plants,” he said. “You can start to think about a system where nuclear with flexible hydrogen production is pairing with variable wind and solar and batteries in a decarbonized future world. And so we're at a point now where we're proving out those capabilities.”
But without the tax credit, he said, “there's just not any conversation, there's no ability to explore the innovation, because we never get out of the gate.”
Whether that gate should be swung open or shut is now in the hands of the U.S. Department of Treasury.
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It’s either reassure investors now or reassure voters later.
Investor-owned utilities are a funny type of company. On the one hand, they answer to their shareholders, who expect growing returns and steady dividends. But those returns are the outcome of an explicitly political process — negotiations with state regulators who approve the utilities’ requests to raise rates and to make investments, on which utilities earn a rate of return that also must be approved by regulators.
Utilities have been requesting a lot of rate increases — some $31 billion in 2025, according to the energy policy group PowerLines, more than double the amount requested the year before. At the same time, those rate increases have helped push electricity prices up over 6% in the last year, while overall prices rose just 2.4%.
Unsurprisingly, people have noticed, and unsurprisingly, politicians have responded. (After all, voters are most likely to blame electric utilities and state governments for rising electricity prices, Heatmap polling has found.) Democrat Mikie Sherrill, for instance, won the New Jersey governorship on the back of her proposal to freeze rates in the state, which has seen some of the country’s largest rate increases.
This puts utilities in an awkward position. They need to boast about earnings growth to their shareholders while also convincing Wall Street that they can avoid becoming punching bags in state capitols.
Make no mistake, the past year has been good for these companies and their shareholders. Utilities in the S&P 500 outperformed the market as a whole, and had largely good news to tell investors in the past few weeks as they reported their fourth quarter and full-year earnings. Still, many utility executives spent quite a bit of time on their most recent earnings calls talking about how committed they are to affordability.
When Exelon — which owns several utilities in PJM Interconnection, the country’s largest grid and ground zero for upset over the influx data centers and rising rates — trumpeted its growing rate base, CEO Calvin Butler argued that this “steady performance is a direct result of a continued focus on affordability.”
But, a Wells Fargo analyst cautioned, there is a growing number of “affordability things out there,” as they put it, “whether you are looking at Maryland, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware.” To name just one, Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro said in a speech earlier this month that investor-owned utilities “make billions of dollars every year … with too little public accountability or transparency.” Pennsylvania’s Exelon-owned utility, PECO, won approval at the end of 2024 to hike rates by 10%.
When asked specifically about its regulatory strategy in Pennsylvania and when it intended to file a new rate case, Butler said that, “with affordability front and center in all of our jurisdictions, we lean into that first,” but cautioned that “we also recognize that we have to maintain a reliable and resilient grid.” In other words, Exelon knows that it’s under the microscope from the public.
Butler went on to neatly lay out the dilemma for utilities: “Everything centers on affordability and maintaining a reliable system,” he said. Or to put it slightly differently: Rate increases are justified by bolstering reliability, but they’re often opposed by the public because of how they impact affordability.
Of the large investor-owned utilities, it was probably Duke Energy, which owns electrical utilities in the Carolinas, Florida, Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio, that had to most carefully navigate the politics of higher rates, assuring Wall Street over and over how committed it was to affordability. “We will never waver on our commitment to value and affordability,” Duke chief executive Harry Sideris said on the company’s February 10 earnings call.
In November, Duke requested a $1.7 billion revenue increase over the course of 2027 and 2028 for two North Carolina utilities, Duke Energy Carolinas and Duke Energy Progress — a 15% hike. The typical residential customer Duke Energy Carolinas customer would see $17.22 added onto their monthly bill in 2027, while Duke Energy Progress ratepayers would be responsible for $23.11 more, with smaller increases in 2028.
These rate cases come “amid acute affordability scrutiny, making regulatory outcomes the decisive variable for the earnings trajectory,” Julien Dumoulin-Smith, an analyst at Jefferies, wrote in a note to clients. In other words, in order to continue to grow earnings, Duke needs to convince regulators and a skeptical public that the rate increases are necessary.
“Our customers remain our top priority, and we will never waver on our commitment to value and affordability,” Sideris told investors. “We continue to challenge ourselves to find new ways to deliver affordable energy for our customers.”
All in all, “affordability” and “affordable” came up 15 times on the call. A year earlier, they came up just three times.
When asked by a Jefferies analyst about how Duke could hit its forecasted earnings growth through 2029, Sideris zeroed in on the regulatory side: “We are very confident in our regulatory outcomes,” he said.
At the same time, Duke told investors that it planned to increase its five-year capital spending plan to $103 billion — “the largest fully regulated capital plan in the industry,” Sideris said.
As far as utilities are concerned, with their multiyear planning and spending cycles, we are only at the beginning of the affordability story.
“The 2026 utility narrative is shifting from ‘capex growth at all costs’ to ‘capex growth with a customer permission slip,’” Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a separate note on Thursday. “We believe it is no longer enough for utilities to say they care about affordability; regulators and investors are demanding proof of proactive behavior.”
If they can’t come up with answers that satisfy their investors, ultimately they’ll have to answer to the voters. Last fall, two Republican utility regulators in Georgia lost their reelection bids by huge margins thanks in part to a backlash over years of rate increases they’d approved.
“Especially as the November 2026 elections approach, utilities that fail to demonstrate concrete mitigants face political and reputational risk and may warrant a credibility discount in valuations, in our view,” Dumoulin wrote.
At the same time, utilities are dealing with increased demand for electricity, which almost necessarily means making more investments to better serve that new load, which can in the short turn translate to higher prices. While large technology companies and the White House are making public commitments to shield existing customers from higher costs, utility rates are determined in rate cases, not in press releases.
“As the issue of rising utility bills has become a greater economic and political concern, investors are paying attention,” Charles Hua, the founder and executive director of PowerLines, told me. “Rising utility bills are impacting the investor landscape just as they have reshaped the political landscape.”
Plus more of the week’s top fights in data centers and clean energy.
1. Osage County, Kansas – A wind project years in the making is dead — finally.
2. Franklin County, Missouri – Hundreds of Franklin County residents showed up to a public meeting this week to hear about a $16 billion data center proposed in Pacific, Missouri, only for the city’s planning commission to announce that the issue had been tabled because the developer still hadn’t finalized its funding agreement.
3. Hood County, Texas – Officials in this Texas County voted for the second time this month to reject a moratorium on data centers, citing the risk of litigation.
4. Nantucket County, Massachusetts – On the bright side, one of the nation’s most beleaguered wind projects appears ready to be completed any day now.
Talking with Climate Power senior advisor Jesse Lee.
For this week's Q&A I hopped on the phone with Jesse Lee, a senior advisor at the strategic communications organization Climate Power. Last week, his team released new polling showing that while voters oppose the construction of data centers powered by fossil fuels by a 16-point margin, that flips to a 25-point margin of support when the hypothetical data centers are powered by renewable energy sources instead.
I was eager to speak with Lee because of Heatmap’s own polling on this issue, as well as President Trump’s State of the Union this week, in which he pitched Americans on his negotiations with tech companies to provide their own power for data centers. Our conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.
What does your research and polling show when it comes to the tension between data centers, renewable energy development, and affordability?
The huge spike in utility bills under Trump has shaken up how people perceive clean energy and data centers. But it’s gone in two separate directions. They see data centers as a cause of high utility prices, one that’s either already taken effect or is coming to town when a new data center is being built. At the same time, we’ve seen rising support for clean energy.
As we’ve seen in our own polling, nobody is coming out looking golden with the public amidst these utility bill hikes — not Republicans, not Democrats, and certainly not oil and gas executives or data center developers. But clean energy comes out positive; it’s viewed as part of the solution here. And we’ve seen that even in recent MAGA polls — Kellyanne Conway had one; Fabrizio, Lee & Associates had one; and both showed positive support for large-scale solar even among Republicans and MAGA voters. And it’s way high once it’s established that they’d be built here in America.
A year or two ago, if you went to a town hall about a new potential solar project along the highway, it was fertile ground for astroturf folks to come in and spread flies around. There wasn’t much on the other side — maybe there was some talk about local jobs, but unemployment was really low, so it didn’t feel super salient. Now there’s an energy affordability crisis; utility bills had been stable for 20 years, but suddenly they’re not. And I think if you go to the town hall and there’s one person spewing political talking points that they've been fed, and then there’s somebody who says, “Hey, man, my utility bills are out of control, and we have to do something about it,” that’s the person who’s going to win out.
The polling you’ve released shows that 52% of people oppose data center construction altogether, but that there’s more limited local awareness: Only 45% have heard about data center construction in their own communities. What’s happening here?
There’s been a fair amount of coverage of [data center construction] in the press, but it’s definitely been playing catch-up with the electric energy the story has on social media. I think many in the press are not even aware of the fiasco in Memphis over Elon Musk’s natural gas plant. But people have seen the visuals. I mean, imagine a little farmhouse that somebody bought, and there’s a giant, 5-mile-long building full of computers next to it. It’s got an almost dystopian feel to it. And then you hear that the building is using more electricity than New York City.
The big takeaway of the poll for me is that coal and natural gas are an anchor on any data center project, and reinforce the worst fears about it. What you see is that when you attach clean energy [to a data center project], it actually brings them above the majority of support. It’s not just paranoia: We are seeing the effects on utility rates and on air pollution — there was a big study just two days ago on the effects of air pollution from data centers. This is something that people in rural, urban, or suburban communities are hearing about.
Do you see a difference in your polling between natural gas-powered and coal-powered data centers? In our own research, coal is incredibly unpopular, but voters seem more positive about natural gas. I wonder if that narrows the gap.
I think if you polled them individually, you would see some distinction there. But again, things like the Elon Musk fiasco in Memphis have circulated, and people are aware of the sheer volume of power being demanded. Coal is about the dirtiest possible way you can do it. But if it’s natural gas, and it’s next door all the time just to power these computers — that’s not going to be welcome to people.
I'm sure if you disentangle it, you’d see some distinction, but I also think it might not be that much. I’ll put it this way: If you look at the default opposition to data centers coming to town, it’s not actually that different from just the coal and gas numbers. Coal and gas reinforce the default opposition. The big difference is when you have clean energy — that bumps it up a lot. But if you say, “It’s a data center, but what if it were powered by natural gas?” I don’t think that would get anybody excited or change their opinion in a positive way.
Transparency with local communities is key when it comes to questions of renewable buildout, affordability, and powering data centers. What is the message you want to leave people with about Climate Power’s research in this area?
Contrary to this dystopian vision of power, people do have control over their own destinies here. If people speak out and demand that data centers be powered by clean energy, they can get those data centers to commit to it. In the end, there’s going to be a squeeze, and something is going to have to give in terms of Trump having his foot on the back of clean energy — I think something will give.
Demand transparency in terms of what kind of pollution to expect. Demand transparency in terms of what kind of power there’s going to be, and if it’s not going to be clean energy, people are understandably going to oppose it and make their voices heard.