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Hotspots

The Vineyard Wind Lawsuit 2.0

And more of the week’s top conflicts around renewable energy.

The Vineyard Wind Lawsuit 2.0

1. Nantucket County, Massachusetts – Welcome to the Vineyard Wind lawsuit 2.0.

  • Fishermen represented by a conservative legal group – the Texas Public Policy Foundation – filed a petition to the Supreme Court this week asserting that the justices can now reconsider approvals for the Vineyard Wind offshore wind project because of the high court’s decision to overturn the Chevron doctrine, a now-defunct judicial precedent that courts defer to agencies on statutory interpretation.
  • It’s not entirely clear whether overturning Chevron will produce a different outcome than the Court’s decision to ignore the last petition from fisherman about Vineyard Wind’s permits. But the argument is definitely different, as the new petition argues a lower court wrongly deferred to agency interpretation of federal laws used to approve the project.
  • The Texas Public Policy Foundation did not respond to requests to discuss this case.

2. Carroll County, Maryland – Carroll County commissioners are intervening in the state permitting fight over two relatively small solar projects, in what has become a wider proxy battle between the county and the state over solar on farmland.

  • This week commissioners filed to intervene against two solar projects that will produce fewer than 5 megawatts of energy each. The county has formally sought to ban solar on farmland and opposes all such projects within its boundaries – but the state Public Service Commission has the final say on these projects.

3. Barren County, Kentucky – Somehow this large-scale 100-megawatt solar farm proposed by Geenex is having an easier time in Kentucky than in Maryland. Why?

  • One reason is that, according to an analysis by Heatmap Pro, our software platform that assesses community sentiments around renewable energy, Carroll County is much wealthier and denser than Barren County, both big signals for opposition. (Carroll County’s opposition score, our predictor of NIMBYism, is almost 30 points higher than Barren’s.) And, despite being in a red state, Barren residents are more supportive of renewable energy even in the abstract than blue-state Carroll.
  • Another reason, according to media reports, is because there are no real zoning requirements for the project. Opponents typical of the fights we cover here are raising complaints, but the project’s going to go in as long as it meets minimum local environment and safety standards.
  • “I can certainly sympathize with maybe some of the angst that’s there. Without having zoning in our county, we cannot dictate any use that takes place,” Myatt told local ABC affiliate WBKO. “So hopefully this spurs some discussion with regards to having countywide zoning because in truth, there is no way to stop any kind of development, or even have a say on it, without having county-wide zoning.”

4. Osage County, Oklahoma – A federal judge paused the removal of the Enel wind farm that was ordered last year to be removed over opposition from Native tribes.

  • U.S. Court of International Trade judge Jennifer Choe-Groves stayed implementation of the order pending an appeal of the decision. Choe-Groves was designated to oversee the case before the federal district court in northern Oklahoma.
  • You can read the ruling here, but here’s the important line: Choe-Groves ruled that if the stay was not granted, Enel “would be required to complete the costly and potentially irreversible process of deconstructing the wind farm before the appellate court has an opportunity to consider the case.”

5. Albany County, Wyoming – It seems the conservative anti-renewables advocates working against offshore wind are quietly involved in fighting Repsol’s Rail Tie wind project in Wyoming.

  • As I previously reported, eagle conservation advocates in Wyoming have asked the Trump administration to halt permitting for Rail Tie and other wind projects in the state.
  • In a blog post Monday, David Wojick of CFACT – one of the main groups we’ve reported is involved in efforts to lobby Trump to kill more wind projects – endorsed the cause of the activists fighting Repsol’s Rail Tie wind project.
  • Wojick also called for the federal government to expend more resources on tracking eagle deaths from wind farms and suggested the government should force wind projects to shut down if they kill a certain number of eagles.He said another member of CFACT, Maggie Immen, is involved in fighting the project. This shouldn’t be a surprise given her proclivity for eagle costumes

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Spotlight

Democrats’ Growing Divide Over Data Centers

It’s pause vs pause-nots.

Data center protests.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

The American climate movement is beginning to look a lot like AI doomers versus the techno-optimists. It’s a dynamic that is winning local bans – and very little else for now.

On one side, you’ve got the left-leaning insurgent grassroots movement against data centers. In many cases this push is in the name of climate action and environmental justice, with activists citing the risks of pollution from gas-fired power and the potential for strain on existing electricity supplies. But in many, many other cases, this movement is decidedly not about climate action; instead it’s a movement addressing everything from energy prices and power over large corporations to AI use generally.

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Hotspots

Local Police Targeted Data Center Opponent, Law Firm Alleges

And more of the week’s top news around development fights.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Jefferson County, Alabama – A law firm is alleging that police in the city of Birmingham retaliated against a woman for suing developers of a data center. It might just be a wake-up call for data center developers.

  • Earlier this month, two individuals each with homes next to a proposed 300-megawatt data center in Birmingham filed a class action lawsuit against developer Nebius and the city of Birmingham. The lawsuit alleges “multiple independently fatal zoning violations” rooted in the city’s decision to let Nebius’s project move forward while also finalizing a moratorium, and claims the city has granted approvals in violation of the existing moratorium.
  • On May 18, days after the lawsuit was filed, lawyers for one of the individuals – Madelyn Greene – wrote the Birmingham Police Department stating officers pulled her over while driving through the proposed project site without any lawful reason. According to the letter, which I obtained and was first reported by AL.com, the officers claimed she was harassing police and started filming her while in her car. When she took her own phone out, the officers “abruptly broke off contact, returned to their vehicles, and left the scene.”
  • The letter concludes the traffic stop “timing and location are not coincidental.” It warned that any additional attempts by city police to “stop, detain, surveil, follow, photograph, intimidate, or otherwise harass” people involved in the lawsuit will result in requests for restraining orders.
  • Situations like these vividly illustrate the problems around security forces and large infrastructure projects. Activists fighting the Thacker Pass lithium mine in Nevada were monitored for years. Conflicts between police and oil pipeline protestors are common and complaints about surveillance abound.
  • I feel compelled to say that data center developers and large tech firms would be wise to coordinate with local police on matters such as these – not just for their own benefit but for that of the public. It’s one thing when protesters are arrested at a hearing, but wholly another when members of the public are concerned voicing dissent will lead to retaliation. All that’ll do is aggravate the opposition further.
  • Nebius did not respond to a request for comment.

2. Mason County, Kentucky – This county is the site of yet another eminent domain debacle and I suggest you pay attention to it because it’s now represented by an outgoing congressman with nothing left to lose: Thomas Massie.

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Q&A

What’s Bothering a Free Market Wonk About the Data Center Boom

A conversation with Travis Fisher of the Cato Institute.

Travis Fisher.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Travis Fisher, an energy policy analyst with the Cato Institute and one of my favorite people to chop it up with on Energy Twitter. I reached out to Fisher for a conversation about how he’s approaching the data center boom as a free market-minded wonk at a time when other figures on the so-called Right are calling for strict regulations on the sector. What I learned is that folks like Fisher are concerned about the scale of the buildout too, but their ideas and approaches wildly differ from the Tucker Carlsons of the world.

As always, our conversation was edited for length and clarity.

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