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Hotspots

The Top Five Renewable Energy Fights of the Year

A look at 2024’s most notorious conflicts in the energy transition.

A map of America.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

Alright, friends. It’s time for a special edition of The Fight’s Hotspots, where we walk you through what we believe were the five most important project conflicts of the year. We decided this list based on the notoriety of the fight within the renewables sector as well as whether our reporting found it to be significant for the entire industry. And we included the opposition scores for these projects based on our internal Heatmap Pro data to help you better understand whether these fights were flukes or quite predictable.

We hope this helps you all in this, errhmm, trying time for developers right now.

1. Lava Ridge’s bad year – Magic Valley, Idaho (36 opposition score)

  • LS Energy’s Lava Ridge wind project might wind up the textbook example of how not to build a wind farm. The developer had initially botched getting consent from those most passionate about a nearby historic World War II internment camp for Japanese Americans, so despite its site in a gust-heavy rural landscape and a state ordinarily friendly to wind power, the project remains in hot water.
  • We previously told you how Idaho Sen. Jim Risch of Idaho warned of a potential executive order targeting Lava Ridge’s permit approvals.
  • However, a new wrinkle: the federal government completed its permitting for Lava Ridge and formally approved the project. It also appears from media reports that at least some activists’ concerns have been tempered by buffers the federal government placed on future wind development near the historic site.
  • Is… this victory? Unfortunately, plenty could still happen here. If a party were to sue, a future Trump administration would easily have the right to negotiate a settlement over that challenge and say it needs more analysis. I wouldn’t consider this project safe yet.

2. Oregon opts out of offshore wind – Coos County, Oregon (50 opposition score)

  • All of the sudden, over the course of an unusually warm September week, Oregon’s Democratic political leaders abandoned the development of floating offshore wind following an opposition campaign tied to local consternation and tribal heritage.
  • As we explained at the time, this led to the federal government canceling what would’ve been Oregon’s first lease sale for floating offshore wind. Now there’s essentially no chance of a lease sale for at least another four years, because Trump promised to halt all offshore wind development.
  • What does this mean? For starters, Democrats can turn into opponents of renewables too, overruling potential benefits for the climate or reliability, when pieces of their fractious coalitions turn sour over the perceived harms they see in development. (See also: the Piedmont transmission line in Maryland).

3. Oak Run and angry voltaics – Madison County, Ohio (96 opposition score)

  • Savion’s Oak Run was supposed to be the model for how to build solar in harmony with a farming community. By co-locating solar panel siting and some crop production, it was supposed to show that solar can be in the same place as farmland without harming even a scintilla of the food supply.
  • It didn’t go that way. Instead, Oak Run this year cemented itself as a poster child for conflict in renewables-hostile Ohio. We’ve explained a legal challenge over the project will decide the fate of all other renewables systems in the state.
  • The farmland dilemma itself is a bit of a misinformation problem. A USDA study released in September found that only up to roughly a fifth of farmland used for solar between 2012 and 2020 was taken out of production once panels were uninstalled.
  • And Oak Run’s issues itself may have ties to conspiracies, as the project’s loose connection to tech billionaire Bill Gates has become a bit of a rallying cry for local opponents.

4. bp’s Kentucky heartaches – Elizabethtown, Kentucky (63 opposition score)

  • Quite a bit has been written about the anti-renewables group Citizens for Responsible Solar. But it’s still hard not to marvel at just how easily they win in places in Kentucky, where a small but mighty group of residents have mobilized against oil giant bp in the city of Elizabethtown to all but kill a 128 megawatt solar farm.
  • We told you a month ago that we thought CRS would win against bp despite a clear plan to use private land and local donations to finally get shovels and steel into the ground – because it doesn’t take that many people to convince a city that popular will is on the side of the opposition.
  • Well, it turns out we were right. CRS is now celebrating that it got Elizabethtown to deny bp’s request for annexation to use the private land, after a large group showed up to the preceding city council meeting.
  • Elizabethtown’s denial has not previously been reported by the media, which is a big reason why Telesto Solar is on our list – it is our best indication yet that massive utility-scale solar projects might be getting snuffed out without the broader public knowing.

5. Battery fire fears beat blackouts – Katy, Texas (54 opposition score)

  • No story sent a chill down my spine this year like what happened in Katy, a small city outside of Houston, where fears fomented after a battery storage fire near San Diego, California, led to such a strong anti-battery fervor that it killed a 500 megawatt project in a blackout prone area.
  • Why? At the vote to reject the project, Katy City Councilor Gina Hicks, voted against constructing the battery project even though she thought it would lead to blackouts. Popular will had won out so profoundly she felt as a “public servant” she had to vote no.
  • “I feel like this is a mob vote,” she said at the October council vote. “Just know that we as a community chose this and I will represent what the community wants versus what I feel is personally best for this decision.”
  • I chose Katy over the San Diego fight because it demonstrated how quickly a kernel of truth — rare but possible battery fires — can ricochet across social media and prompt action in other parts of the country.
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Spotlight

Democrats’ Growing Divide Over Data Centers

It’s pause vs pause-nots.

Data center protests.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

The American climate movement is beginning to look a lot like AI doomers versus the techno-optimists. It’s a dynamic that is winning local bans – and very little else for now.

On one side, you’ve got the left-leaning insurgent grassroots movement against data centers. In many cases this push is in the name of climate action and environmental justice, with activists citing the risks of pollution from gas-fired power and the potential for strain on existing electricity supplies. But in many, many other cases, this movement is decidedly not about climate action; instead it’s a movement addressing everything from energy prices and power over large corporations to AI use generally.

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Hotspots

Local Police Targeted Data Center Opponent, Law Firm Alleges

And more of the week’s top news around development fights.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Jefferson County, Alabama – A law firm is alleging that police in the city of Birmingham retaliated against a woman for suing developers of a data center. It might just be a wake-up call for data center developers.

  • Earlier this month, two individuals each with homes next to a proposed 300-megawatt data center in Birmingham filed a class action lawsuit against developer Nebius and the city of Birmingham. The lawsuit alleges “multiple independently fatal zoning violations” rooted in the city’s decision to let Nebius’s project move forward while also finalizing a moratorium, and claims the city has granted approvals in violation of the existing moratorium.
  • On May 18, days after the lawsuit was filed, lawyers for one of the individuals – Madelyn Greene – wrote the Birmingham Police Department stating officers pulled her over while driving through the proposed project site without any lawful reason. According to the letter, which I obtained and was first reported by AL.com, the officers claimed she was harassing police and started filming her while in her car. When she took her own phone out, the officers “abruptly broke off contact, returned to their vehicles, and left the scene.”
  • The letter concludes the traffic stop “timing and location are not coincidental.” It warned that any additional attempts by city police to “stop, detain, surveil, follow, photograph, intimidate, or otherwise harass” people involved in the lawsuit will result in requests for restraining orders.
  • Situations like these vividly illustrate the problems around security forces and large infrastructure projects. Activists fighting the Thacker Pass lithium mine in Nevada were monitored for years. Conflicts between police and oil pipeline protestors are common and complaints about surveillance abound.
  • I feel compelled to say that data center developers and large tech firms would be wise to coordinate with local police on matters such as these – not just for their own benefit but for that of the public. It’s one thing when protesters are arrested at a hearing, but wholly another when members of the public are concerned voicing dissent will lead to retaliation. All that’ll do is aggravate the opposition further.
  • Nebius did not respond to a request for comment.

2. Mason County, Kentucky – This county is the site of yet another eminent domain debacle and I suggest you pay attention to it because it’s now represented by an outgoing congressman with nothing left to lose: Thomas Massie.

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Q&A

What’s Bothering a Free Market Wonk About the Data Center Boom

A conversation with Travis Fisher of the Cato Institute.

Travis Fisher.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Travis Fisher, an energy policy analyst with the Cato Institute and one of my favorite people to chop it up with on Energy Twitter. I reached out to Fisher for a conversation about how he’s approaching the data center boom as a free market-minded wonk at a time when other figures on the so-called Right are calling for strict regulations on the sector. What I learned is that folks like Fisher are concerned about the scale of the buildout too, but their ideas and approaches wildly differ from the Tucker Carlsons of the world.

As always, our conversation was edited for length and clarity.

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