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What I’m hearing from developers and CEOs about the renewable energy industry after the Inflation Reduction Act

As the Senate deliberates gutting the Inflation Reduction Act’s clean electricity tax credits, renewable energy developers and industry insiders are split about how bad things might get for the sector. But the consensus is that things will undoubtedly get worse.
Almost everyone I talked to insisted that solar and wind projects further along in construction would be insulated from an IRA repeal. Some even argued that spiking energy demand and other macro tailwinds might buffer the wind and solar industries from the demolition of the law.
But between the lines, and beneath the talking points and hopium, executives are fretting that lots of future investments are in jeopardy. And the most pessimistic take: almost all projects will have their balance sheets and time-tables impacted in some way that’ll at minimum increase their budget costs.
“It’s hard to imagine, if the legislation passes in its current form, that it wouldn’t impact all projects,” said Rob Collier, CEO of renewable energy transaction platform LevelTen.
Even industry analysts with the gloomiest views of the repeal say there’s plenty of projects that will keep chugging along and might even become more valuable to investors if they’re close enough to construction or operation. This aligns with recent analysis from BloombergNEF, which found the House bill would diminish our nation’s renewables build-out – but not entirely end its pace.
“The more useful way to break down which project may be hit the hardest is where the projects are going to fall in their development life-cycle,” Collier said. “Projects that have either started construction or have the ability to start construction … are going to very likely rise in terms of their appeal and attractiveness and those projects will be at a premium, if they’re able to skate through the legislative risk and qualify for tax credits.”
There is a more optimistic industry view that believes increased project costs will just be passed along to consumers via higher electricity prices. The American people will in essence have to pick up the tab where the federal tax code left it. Optimists also cite the increased use of power purchase agreements, or PPAs, between renewables developers and entities who need a lot of electricity, like big tech companies. By signing these PPAs, buyers are subsidizing the construction of projects but also insulating themselves from the risk of rising electricity prices.
The most bullish perspective I heard was from Nick Cohen, the CEO of Doral Renewables, who told me deals like these combined with rising premiums for quick energy on the grid may obviate lost credits in a “zero-incentive environment.”
“It’s not the end of the world,” Cohen told me. “If you’re in construction or you’re going to be in construction very soon, you’re fine.”
But Collier called Cohen’s prediction an “experiment” in customers’ willingness to pay for new energy: “If we’re talking about 40%, 50%, 60% of a project’s capital stack now being at risk because of tax credits, those are pretty large price increases.”
I spoke to multiple companies that have been inking massive deals as this legislation has progressed — although many were not nearly as sanguine about the industry’s future prospects as Doral. Like rPlus Energies, which disclosed last week that it closed a commitment for more than $500 million in tax equity investments for a solar and storage project in Utah. rPlus CEO Luigi Resta told me that the legislation “certainly has posed concern from our investors and from the organization” but the project was so far along that the tax equity investment market wasn’t phased by the bill.
“Many people in my company, myself included, have been doing this for more than 20 years. We’ve seen the starts and stops related to ITC and PTC in solar and wind, in multiple cycles, and this feels like another cycle,” Resta told me. “When the IRA passed, everybody was exuberant. And now the runway looks like it may have a cliff. But for us, our mantra since the beginning of the year has been ‘proceed with caution, preserve and protect.’”
However, crucially, it is important to focus on how that caution looks: Resta told me the company has completely paused new contracting while the company is completing the projects it is currently developing.
One government affairs representative for a large and prominent U.S. renewables developer, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to preserve relationships, told me that “whatever rollback occurs will just result in higher electricity prices over time.” In the near term, the only language that would truly gut projects in progress today would be “foreign entity of concern” restrictions that would broadly impact any component even remotely connected to Chinese industries. Similar language all but kneecapped the entire IRA electric vehicle consumer credit.
“It included definitions of what it means to be a foreign company that were really vague,” the government affairs representative said. “Anyone who does any business with China essentially can’t benefit from the credit. That was a really challenging outcome from the House that hopefully the Senate is going to fix.” If this definition became law, this source said, it would be the final straw that “freezes investment” in renewable energy projects.
Ultimately, after speaking to CEO after CEO this week, I’ve been left with an impression that business activity in renewables hasn’t really subsided after the House bill passed, and that it’ll be the Senate bill that undoubtedly defines the future of renewable energy for years to come.
Whether that chamber remains the “cooling saucer” it once was will be the decider.
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Talking with Leah Qusba, the CEO of GoodPower.
This week’s conversation is with Leah Qusba, CEO of GoodPower, which recently released a survey experiment you need to read. Conducted with Data for Progress, the project, published Monday, takes a unique approach to asking people why they opposed data centers for artificial intelligence and whether constructing renewable energy instead of gas power moves the needle at all in their support for AI infrastructure near them. Instead of just asking polling questions, they posed various hypothetical project designs to people — and the results were eye-popping. Turning to solar instead of gas? Might not be a panacea for gaining approval at the local level. Protecting electricity rates from going sky-high? Now that’s a way to get buy-in.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Before we jump into the survey, is the data center boom changing the trajectory for renewable energy development in the U.S.?
If you look back over the last decade and a half, the largest global procurer of decarbonized electricity has been the Big Tech industry. I think we’re still seeing the trendlines of that today. The speed and scale of data center development is driving a lot of incremental clean energy growth.
I think we’re really at a crossroads right now because of the speed to meet rising demand and because, as people are scrambling to find electrons, commitments previously around purchasing and procuring decarbonized electricity have slid a little bit. We’ve seen proposals over the last six months or so have roughly doubled for combined cycle gas. We’re at this crossroads: Are we going to leverage this moment to drive incremental clean and protect ratepayers in the process? That’s the only way we’re going to be able to build this infrastructure.
Or are we going to go another path where we’re locking in decades of combined cycle gas?
I think voters across the political spectrum think this is a very important issue, and people are thinking about this as we move closer to November.
Walk my readers through the survey experiment you ran with Data for Progress.
The impetus was that we wanted to demonstrate to any stakeholder in the world — a data center developer, a household concerned with their rising electricity bills, policymakers trying to meet this new energy moment — what Americans want, which is guarantees from data centers that their electric bills won’t increase. They want strong electricity grid upgrades. They want home energy upgrades like rooftop solar, heat pumps, storage systems, or battery walls.
We wanted to make the case. We’ve seen surveys recently that if you say you’ll power them with renewable energy, favorability will increase. We wanted to go a step further and set up an experiment to see the difference between what people say they’ll do and what they’ll actually do. Often there’s a difference when they’re faced with a real-life situation. Even when renewable energy support is high — even Republicans favor large-scale solar — then why do we have NIMBYism? Why do we have public opposition? Why are projects being phased out or canceled entirely because of protests? That’s because of a gap between what people say they’ll do and what they’ll actually do.
The first part of the experiment was a typical poll asking people how they felt and measuring what they said they would do. What people indicated was similar to other polls circulated widely and picked up by the press, that when you say a data center is powered by solar, people say they’ll be more favorable. But then we put them in a setting where we told them a data center in their community was going to be powered by either gas or renewables, and we had other treatment conditions that would be manipulated. We told them, for example, that there would be a rate-binding guarantee, that 100% of their costs would be paid for by the data center and their electricity rates would not go up. We also gave them conditions where they’d get residential solutions.
When we compared what people said they would do with what they actually would do, what we found was pretty definitive. Really, Americans indicated a strong preference that data center developers guarantee stable electricity rates or provide them with meaningful residential or community benefits. Those are really the only two things in a real-life situation that moved support for data centers.
What we didn’t see, actually, is that renewable energy powering the data centers alone was enough. It didn’t have enough statistical significance to improve data centers’ support on its own.
Now, connecting the solar to stable electricity rates or ratepayer protections, that’s helpful. Could we do that? Absolutely, and that’s a strong recommendation to think about centering communities because they want affordability. But the technology alone — solar versus gas — had a null effect.
It’s great to talk about solar, especially because there’s high favorability for solar. Connecting affordability to clean energy is a great strategy, and we hope tech companies take this to heart! The only way we’re going to build social permission for these technologies is to do it in a community-centric way that guarantees rates won’t increase and guarantees community benefits. We want to make sure people ask for all this in negotiations and that policymakers think about all this, especially federally as we think about permitting reform.
What’s the relationship to permitting reform?
I think it’s important that it preserves maximum ratepayer protections and large load tariffs. Thinking about that, as well as bringing-your-own-clean-energy, or BYONCE, is in great parallel with the findings. If we can deliver that through federal legislation, it’s something that would be supported by the data we gathered through this experiment.
Why was there no statistically significant difference between solar and gas?
I don’t think it’s a question of why people were agnostic about technology. I think it all just boils down to pocketbook-kitchen-table issues. We live in a cost of living crisis where upwards of 65% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck. The cost of everything from gas prices at the pump to groceries … When we look at the data and inflation and what it takes to build a home, its very clear the message the American electorate is sending is that affordability is the queen issue right now.
Until we meet demand in a community centered way and a ratepayer centered way, with maximum ratepayer protections and large load tariffs for these companies, we’re going to see incredible polarization across America where these data centers are being built.
What’s next, from a research perspective?
I think there were a few surprising things we found in the data we want to dig into.
For example, there’s been talk of spillover opposition — that by associating solar with data centers, we might pollute public opinion around solar. We actually asked questions in the survey experiment about this and so far, solar hasn’t been tarnished by data centers. It showed zero spillover. It does not drag down favorability for solar.
We also found that Americans trust renewable energy developers second only to consumer watchdogs, which we found to be fascinating. By contrast, they trust data center developers the least. In other words, choose to pay for a decarbonized electron if you can because associating yourself with clean, fast-to-power electrons has a true positive association there. It’s in the data.
One last one: Artificial intelligence and public opinion about AI was the top driver of opposition to data centers. It was feelings about AI as a technology superseding personal ideology and backgrounds, even if they cared about climate change. Skepticism about AI and data centers isn’t a partisan issue. Anti-AI sentiment sits evenly across Democrats, Republicans, and independents alike.
And more of the week’s top fights around development.
1. Umatilla County, Oregon – A small town in Oregon this week declared a state of emergency over fears that a statewide pause on data center permits will harm its economy.
2. Saratoga County, New York – Is Trump’s country music superstar-turned-power-project combatant John Rich preparing to debut a new song about solar farms, or something more?
3. Eau Claire County, Wisconsin – There’s now a must-watch race to see who is more anti-transmission in the race for Wisconsin’s 3rd congressional seat.
4. Adams County, Colorado – Here’s the chaser you needed: the largest solar farm approved in the Rocky Mountains.
The race for the top job in McCracken County, Kentucky, might hinge on the importance of a community benefit agreement.
An election-season battle is brewing over what could be the nation’s first massive data center operating on federal land. And you almost certainly have never heard of it.
Come with me to McCracken County, Kentucky, just outside its largest city, Paducah, where the Energy Department is allowing new development at a large brownfield property. First constructed in the 1950s, the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion Plant was once the country’s only uranium enrichment facility, but it closed in 2010. Since then, and after years of cleanup, Paducah city officials and the McCracken County government have sought to revitalize and reindustrialize the site.
In July, the Energy Department announced plans for a data center at the site, one with enough power to provide excess electricity to the surrounding community. Brookfield would develop and operate the data center and NextEra Energy would build the power infrastructure — a roughly 2.5 gigawatt natural gas plant — while local and regional electricity companies and co-ops would help provide wholesale and retail electricity. The project would be built alongside new uranium enrichment projects cropping up at the site, as federal officials and companies involved seek to transform the area into what they call an “American energy hub.”
Government officials at all levels welcomed the new project. An opposition group called Protect McCracken County exists and is active, but opposition has yet to manifest in the kind of dust-up or mass protest we’re seeing elsewhere in the country. Media reports indicate a likely reason for this is the longstanding history of industrial development in this specific area and that the project location was already contaminated as a brownfield site. The worst headlines about the data center news saw residents calling it “bittersweet” and a “necessary evil.”
But something important was missing because the project was on federal land: city officials say they never had a formal opportunity to deliberate it themselves — a step even local governments supportive of development often use to get assurances and benefits from developers.
The investment announcement also caught officials by surprise. Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear, a centrist Democrat with presidential ambitions, told Politico he was never briefed on it. Paducah City Councilor Dujuan Thomas told me this week that the first time he met with any individuals involved “was a week before the public announcement, or a few days before it.”
“At the end of the day, it’s already set in stone,” said Thomas, who supports the data center being built. “I don’t think there’s anything that can be done aside from a federal intervention that could ever stop something like this from happening. And I’m trying to be a realist about it.”
“I’m more of a glass-half-full type of person,” Thomas added.
Now, the fight over asking for more is dominating the race for McCracken County judge/executive, which is the county’s top job. Paducah’s mayor, George Bray, a former Republican-turned-independent, is running to oust two-term Republican incumbent Craig Clymer. In recent weeks, Bray has called for negotiating a community benefit agreement with the developers and says Brookfield already expressed willingness to do so. “Data center developers, knowing how sensitive communities are about electrical usage, water usage, and noise … have been open to embracing the community and saying they want to be good citizens,” he told me in an interview.
Specifically, Bray wants a community benefit agreement to potentially include an economic development fund to help jumpstart new housing in the area, knowing there’ll be an influx of labor. The county will also need to support volunteer fire districts, especially if there’s a blaze at the site. Those are only two ideas he offered, acknowledging the subject of data centers is new to him and that he believes the agreement “should be something the community itself comes up with.”
“I would not approach it as, What do I want? I would be talking with others,” he told me. “There are many things that a project of this size is going to drive in our community. I think we just need to be open-minded and practical about it.”
Bray’s push came up at public debates during the campaign for county judge executive and has since spilled over into social media spats between Bray and Clymer. Bray claims the only official who can adequately negotiate this kind of agreement with the developer is the county judge/executive because the project is not within the Paducah city limits. Clymer, meanwhile, denies everything Bray is claiming.
Clymer says a community benefit agreement is unnecessary, would indicate hostility towards the business community, and is only being brought up so Bray can differentiate himself in the election. He also told me the county will receive incredible levels of tax revenue from the project, and this in and of itself will mean lots of benefits.
The developers “have not asked for one thing from the community. They haven’t asked for a property tax abatement — I told them early on we’d send them a tax bill and they said they understood that’s what I intend to do. No payback on anything; they’re going to build their own infrastructure there within the facility. They’re going to provide their own power through NextEra,” Clymer said. “The bottom line is, it’s not going to cost the community a penny to have this $100 billion investment in our community, and the benefit from it is just going to be enormous through the property tax and occupational tax.”
Clymer also claims key protections for the community, including ratepayer guardrails, are written into the lease agreement DOE struck with Brookfield for the data center. I asked Clymer if the lease agreement was public; he said no and that he personally hasn’t seen it.
“I’m telling you what they’re telling me and I don’t think anybody’s lying about it,” he said. “Let’s be satisfied it’s not going to cost us a penny and it’s going to create enormous wealth for us.”
Brookfield declined to comment for this story. The Energy Department and NextEra did not respond to requests for comment by publication time. We’ll update our story with answers from them when we hear back.