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Spotlight

All Eyes Are On Texas as Anti-Renewables Bills Advance

Plus, what a Texas energy veteran thinks is behind the surprising turn against solar and wind.

Texas statehouse.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

I couldn’t have a single conversation with a developer this week without talking about Texas.

In case you’re unaware, the Texas Senate two days ago passed legislation — SB 819 — that would require all solar and wind projects over 10 megawatts to receive a certification from the state Public Utilities Commission — a process fossil fuel generation doesn’t have to go through. The bill, which one renewables group CEO testified would “kill” the industry in Texas, was approved by the legislature’s GOP majority despite a large number of landowners and ranchers testifying against the bill, an ongoing solar and wind boom in the state, and a need to quickly provide energy to Texas’ growing number of data centers and battery manufacturing facilities.

But that’s not all: On the same day, the Texas Senate Business and Commerce Committee approved a bill — SB 715 — that would target solar and wind by requiring generation facilities to be able to produce power whenever called upon by grid operators or otherwise pay a fine. Critics of the bill, which as written does not differentiate between new and existing facilities, say it could constrain the growth of Texas’ energy grid, not to mention impose penalties on solar and wind facilities that lack sufficient energy storage on site.

Renewable energy trades are in freak-out mode, mobilizing to try and scuttlebutt bills that could stifle what otherwise would be a perfect state for the sector. As we’ve previously explained, a big reason why Texas is so good for development is because, despite its ruby red nature, there is scant regulation letting towns or counties get in the way of energy development generally.

Seeking to best understand why anti-renewables bills are sailing through the Lone Star State, I phoned Doug Lewin, a Texas energy sector veteran, on the morning of the votes in the Texas Senate. Lewin said he believes that unlike other circumstances we’ve written about, like Oklahoma and Arizona, there really isn’t a groundswell of Texans against renewable energy development. This aligns with our data in Heatmap Pro, which shows 76% of counties being more welcoming than average to a utility-scale wind or solar farm. This is seen even in the author of the 24/7 power bill – state Senator Kevin Sparks – who represents the city of Midland, which is in a county that Heatmap Pro modeling indicates has a low risk of opposition. The Midland area is home to several wind and solar projects; German renewables giant RWE last month announced it would expand into the county to power oil and gas extraction with renewables.

But Lewin told me there’s another factor: He believes the legislation is largely motivated by legislators’ conservative voters suffering from a “misinformation” and “algorithm” problem. It’s their information diets, he believes, which are producing fears about the environmental impacts of developing renewable energy.

“He’s actively working against the interests of his district,” Lewin said of Sparks. “It’s algorithms. I don’t know what folks think is going on. People are just getting a lot of bad information.”

One prominent example came from a hailstorm during Hurricane Uri last year. Ice rocks described like golfballs rained down upon south-east Texas, striking, among other things, a utility-scale solar farm called Fighting Jays overseen by Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners. The incident went viral on Facebook and was seized upon by large conservative advocacy organizations including the Competitive Enterprise Institute.

What’s next? Honestly, the only thing standing between these bills and becoming law is a sliver of hope in the renewables world that the millions of dollars flowing into Texas House members’ districts via project investments and tax benefits outweigh the conservative cultural animus against their product. But if the past is prologue, things aren’t looking great.

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Q&A

How an ‘Abundance’ Policy Shop Is Approaching Data Centers

Chatting about win-win solutions with the Abundance Institute’s Ryan Norris.

Ryan Norris.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Ryan Norris, senior fellow for energy policy at the Abundance Institute. The libertarian-leaning institute — whose name cleverly shortens to AI — is a new-ish entity with increasing relevance in energy and tech spaces. As Norris and I discussed, it’s starting to help shape policy on data center development and the generation that’ll power it all, especially in Republican circles. Norris himself previously worked with Americans for Prosperity, a right-wing political organization. I reached out to him and asked if we could chat because I wanted to know more about the institute’s work within the energy space. He wound up saying a lot more than I expected. So let’s dive into it.

The following conversation was lightly edited and abridged for clarity.

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Hotspots

Wisconsin’s Anti-Data Center Voters Never Showed Up

Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Shelby County, Alabama — The Trump administration’s widening effort to intervene in rural energy project fights is facing an early test: What happens if companies don’t take it seriously?

  • This week country music star John Rich, Trump’s “special envoy for American landowners,” explained to an Alabama radio station that one of his first public efforts to support a landowner with administration support ran aground. Rich said he reached out to Alabama Power in the hopes they it could move a planned transmission line cutting across the property of a trucking company owner seeking to retire in the woods. But Rich said Alabama Power has so far shrugged off both him and the Agriculture Department, refusing to allow any company representatives to speak with them.
  • “They farmed my conversation out to a third party attorney. Outside counsel. Not even someone with Alabama Power,” Rich told radio host Leland White. After an hour and a half with the attorney led to “no answers,” the musician said, he sent questions in writing with USDA assistance, which he claimed were met with “legal mumbo jumbo.” “It’s like a slap in the face. I still haven’t spoken to anyone at Alabama Power about this.”
  • Rich told the radio host he may raise the landowner’s issues directly with President Trump. Alabama Power did not respond to a request for comment from me. The utility so far has declined to address specifics with local media, citing ongoing litigation over the conflict.
  • If I had to hazard a guess, I’d say this is a turning point for the Trump administration’s efforts to expand its energy culture war saber-rattling tactics beyond renewable energy permitting. So much of the transmission process, for example, happens outside of any federal purview. Should Rich actually try to raise this issue with the president, what could Trump do besides a Truth Social post? If that’s where this heads, then I think we’re seeing this effort hit a wall, at least for now.

2. Ozaukee County, Wisconsin — Speaking of walls, we just saw the political power of the data center resistance hit one in the Badger State.

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Spotlight

Why Energy Developers Are Freaking Out Over Trump’s Farmland Plans

Renewable and pipeline companies alike have come out against the administration’s attempt to leverage an obscure Cold War-era law.

Farming and solar panels.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

The Trump administration is considering changing its interpretation of an obscure law related to farmland ownership to transform it into a national security instrument with profound impacts for U.S. renewables projects — and fossil fuels. U.S. energy developers and their trade groups are ringing alarms about the plan, arguing that Trump may be about to undermine their relationships with international investors in allied nations.

For the past week, I’ve been hearing anxious rumbling from contacts in D.C. about a proposed regulation from the Agriculture Department published on June 26. The plan has gotten little attention so far outside of energy trade publications and wonk analysis. Pay no mind to the relative quiet — anyone working in energy development needs to know what’s at stake. Explaining why this is sending D.C. energy lobbyists into a tizzy gets complicated quickly, so bear with me. But the easiest way to sum it up is a fear of death by a thousand cuts.

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