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Some climate policies are safe. Some are not.

Absent a last-minute deal between a bipartisan group of senators and the Republican-led House, the federal government will shut down on Sunday. With much of the Biden administration’s climate agenda a work in progress, a shutdown could grind time-sensitive rulemakings and grantmaking activities to a halt, not to mention regular environmental protection.
But it’s not so simple. Thanks to the Inflation Reduction Act and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, much of the government’s climate work has been funded outside of the annual appropriations process and could prove fairly resilient to a shutdown. However, few agencies have released their contingency plans, and so it’s hard to parse exactly which activities will continue. The White House has been eager to use the prospect of government responsibilities going unfulfilled as leverage against Republican leaders in the House.
When we reached out to federal agencies and the White House for more information, they either declined to comment or referred us to the Office of Management and Budget. That office did not answer questions but a spokesperson said in an email that “shutdowns are disruptive and distracting, making it difficult for agencies to deliver for the American people at the same pace — even for programs with available funding — given how much time and attention must go to managing the impacts of a shutdown.”
The clock is ticking on several key upcoming climate and clean energy rules, due to the Congressional Review Act. The law allows Congress to overturn new federal rules within 60 legislative days — which can actually stretch months — by a simple majority vote, and with the president’s signature. That means if the rules aren’t finalized in time and Biden loses his re-election bid, some of the headway his agencies make to cut emissions could quickly be erased.
We talked to former staffers and lobbyists to get a handle on how a shutdown would affect climate and environmental programs throughout the federal government.
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Yes, the IRS has an important role to play here. Much of the Inflation Reduction Act’s implementation is actually up to the IRS writing rules outlining how companies can qualify for tax credits. For example, the agency has yet to even propose rules to claim the lucrative tax credits for producing clean hydrogen, or finalize others on electric vehicle battery and mineral sourcing requirements, or apprenticeship requirements, or how tax-exempt entities can qualify for funding.
It’s not clear whether the IRS would continue to chip away at these processes if there’s a shutdown. When one loomed last year, the agency’s contingency plan said that its more than 80,000 employees would still be able to work thanks to “supplemental appropriations available through September 30, 2031.” But whether that will be the case this year remains unclear.
The National Treasury Employees Union, which represents IRS workers, told its members that the IRS would “partially close” should a funding deal not be reached by September 30, according to the Federal News Network. The NTEU did not respond to a request for comment. A Treasury spokesperson also declined to comment and said that contingency plans would be released later this week.
Even if the IRS continues working on the rules, it will likely not be able to engage directly with industry or outside groups while the government remains closed, a former Department of Energy official, who asked not to be named, told us. “There’s still a lot of guidance that we’re waiting for, it’s critically important that it continues to move forward,” the former official said. “Activities that are people driven — negotiating, educating, and guidance — those are going to be much more impacted.”
There also wouldn’t be any of the announcements and public and private engagement that takes up much of the rulewriting process, the former official said.
And even if the IRS continues to work at something like its full potential, any work it has to do with other agencies whose funding runs out could be impacted, a lobbyist who works on energy issues pointed out to us. “Carryover funds may mean a short shutdown isn't a big deal, but a prolonged one could compound what is already a huge strain on agency resources and bandwidth,” the lobbyist said.
The EPA is in the middle of several rulemakings that are essential to U.S. climate progress, including regulations on cars and trucks, as well as power plants, and the experts we spoke with did not think a government shutdown would put the rules at risk. Stan Meiburg, a former EPA acting deputy director, told us he noticed the agency had denied petitions from stakeholders to extend the comment period for the car emissions proposal, which tells him staffers are trying to get the rules out the door to safeguard them from a future administration.
“I think both of those standards, while they may be delayed a couple of weeks from their original time tables, will still meet the deadlines the agency has in mind for them,” he told us.
The EPA is also the lead administrator for about $41 billion from the Inflation Reduction Act, including billions in clean energy grants. That’s not expected to be affected by a shutdown, since the IRA included some budget for staffing. However, the agency’s regular grant work, including funding distributed to states to conduct their environmental protection work, will come to a screeching halt, said Nicole Cantello, a lawyer at the agency who spoke with us in her capacity as president of the government employees union local in Chicago.
Cancello said that overall, the agency would be “profoundly affected” by a shutdown with 93% of its staff expected to be furloughed. A lot of the country’s air and water quality monitoring occurs at the state and local level, but some environmental enforcement capacity will certainly be lost, she told us. During the last government shutdown, she was in the middle of an enforcement case where the agency was collecting air quality data at the fenceline of a polluting facility that was directly next to a neighborhood. All of the data was coming into employees’ inboxes, she said, “and they couldn’t look to see whether or not that data showed that these people were endangering that community or not. I remember how frustrating that felt.”
Meiburg, who was with the agency through several shutdowns, told us they have disrupted time-sensitive research projects and caused supply chain breakdowns. The EPA inspects all pesticides that are imported into the country, and during past shutdowns the pesticides began piling up in warehouses, he said.
But Meiburg said there’s typically a small number of people who will still be on call in case of an environmental disaster, like the Maui wildfires or the toxic train derailment in East Palestine.
The Department of Energy plays a major role in climate policy, including overseeing the Loan Programs Office and making grants and funding demonstration projects for early stage energy technology like long duration batteries, advanced geothermal, and direct air capture. Many of those activities would likely continue.
According to the agency’s publicly available “lapse plan,” about 5,500 of its around 14,000 full-time employees would stay on in case of a shutdown. The multi-year appropriations provided by IRA and the infrastructure law would keep just over 1,000 of those employees on the job, according to the document: “As of August 4, 2023, 1,040 DOE employees were fully or partially funded by multi-year appropriations; these employees would continue to perform funded work after the exhaustion of DOE base funding.” Around 3,000 employees of the Bonneville Power Administration, the public power company in the Pacific Northwest, would continue working because it funds itself through power sales.
In the case of a shutdown lasting less than about a week, “It is anticipated that there would be no disruption to DOE operations during a short lapse in appropriations,” a guide to the shutdown published on the DOE website says. “DOE has historically had sufficient previously appropriated funds that remain available to support operations during a short term lapse.”
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The fragility of the global fossil fuel complex has been put on full display. The Strait of Hormuz has been effectively closed, causing a shock to oil and natural gas prices, putting fuel supplies from Incheon to Karachi at risk. American drivers are already paying more at the pump, despite the United States’s much-vaunted energy independence. Never has the case for a transition to renewable energy been more urgent, clear, and necessary.
So despite the stock market overall being down, clean energy companies’ shares are soaring, right?
Wrong.
First Solar: down over 1% on the day. Enphase: down over 3%. Sunrun: down almost 8%; Tesla: down around 2.5%
Why the slump? There are a few big reasons:
Several analysts described the market action today as “risk-off,” where traders sell almost anything to raise cash. Even safe haven assets like U.S. Treasuries sold off earlier today while the U.S. dollar strengthened.
“A lot of things that worked well recently, they’re taking a big beating,” Gautam Jain, a senior research scholar at the Columbia University Center on Global Energy Policy, told me. “It’s mostly risk aversion.”
Several trackers of clean energy stocks, including the S&P Global Clean Energy Transition Index (down 3% today) or the iShares Global Clean Energy ETF (down over 3%) have actually outperformed the broader market so far this year, making them potentially attractive to sell off for cash.
And some clean energy stocks are just volatile and tend to magnify broader market movements. The iShares Global Clean Energy ETF has a beta — a measure of how a stock’s movements compare with the overall market — higher than 1, which means it has tended to move more than the market up or down.
Then there’s the actual news. After President Trump announced Tuesday afternoon that the United States Development Finance Corporation would be insuring maritime trade “for a very reasonable price,” and that “if necessary” the U.S. would escort ships through the Strait of Hormuz, the overall market picked up slightly and oil prices dropped.
It’s often said that what makes renewables so special is that they don’t rely on fuel. The sun or the wind can’t be trapped in a Middle Eastern strait because insurers refuse to cover the boats it arrives on.
But what renewables do need is cash. The overwhelming share of the lifetime expense of a renewable project is upfront capital expenditure, not ongoing operational expenditures like fuel. This makes renewables very sensitive to interest rates because they rely on borrowed money to get built. If snarled supply chains translate to higher inflation, that could send interest rates higher, or at the very least delay expected interest rate cuts from central banks.
Sustained inflation due to high energy prices “likely pushes interest rate cuts out,” Jain told me, which means higher costs for renewables projects.
While in the long run it may make sense to respond to an oil or natural gas supply shock by diversifying your energy supply into renewables, political leaders often opt to try to maintain stability, even if it’s very expensive.
“The moment you start thinking about energy security, renewables jump up as a priority,” Jain said. Most countries realize how important it is to be independent of the global supply chain. In the long term it works in favor of renewables. The problem is the short term.”
In the short term, governments often try to mitigate spiking fuel prices by subsidizing fossil fuels and locking in supply contracts to reinforce their countries’ energy supplies. Renewables may thereby lose out on investment that might more logically flow their way.
The other issue is that the same fractured supply chain that drives up oil and gas prices also affects renewables, which are still often dependent on imports for components. “Freight costs go up,” Jain said. “That impacts clean energy industry more.”
As for the Strait of Hormuz, Trump said the Navy would start escorting ships “as soon as possible.”
“It is difficult to imagine more arbitrary and capricious decisionmaking than that at issue here.”
A federal court shot down President Trump’s attempt to kill New York City’s congestion pricing program on Tuesday, allowing the city’s $9 toll on cars entering downtown Manhattan during peak hours to remain in effect.
Judge Lewis Liman of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York ruled that the Trump administration’s termination of the program was illegal, writing, “It is difficult to imagine more arbitrary and capricious decisionmaking than that at issue here.”
So concludes a fight that began almost exactly one year ago, just after Trump returned to the White House. On February 19, 2025, the newly minted Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy sent a letter to Kathy Hochul, the governor of New York, rescinding the federal government’s approval of the congestion pricing fee. President Trump had expressed concerns about the program, Duffy said, leading his department to review its agreement with the state and determine that the program did not adhere to the federal statute under which it was approved.
Duffy argued that the city was not allowed to cordon off part of the city and not provide any toll-free options for drivers to enter it. He also asserted that the program had to be designed solely to relieve congestion — and that New York’s explicit secondary goal of raising money to improve public transit was a violation.
Trump, meanwhile, likened himself to a monarch who had risen to power just in time to rescue New Yorkers from tyranny. That same day, the White House posted an image to social media of Trump standing in front of the New York City skyline donning a gold crown, with the caption, "CONGESTION PRICING IS DEAD. Manhattan, and all of New York, is SAVED. LONG LIVE THE KING!"
New York had only just launched the tolling program a month earlier after nearly 20 years of deliberation — or, as reporter and Hell Gate cofounder Christopher Robbins put it in his account of those years for Heatmap, “procrastination.” The program was supposed to go into effect months earlier before, at the last minute, Hochul tried to delay the program indefinitely, claiming it was too much of a burden on New Yorkers’ wallets. She ultimately allowed congestion pricing to proceed with the fee reduced from $15 during peak hours to $9, and thereafter became one of its champions. The state immediately challenged Duffy’s termination order in court and defied the agency’s instruction to shut down the program, keeping the toll in place for the entirety of the court case.
In May, Judge Liman issued a preliminary injunction prohibiting the DOT from terminating the agreement, noting that New York was likely to succeed in demonstrating that Duffy had exceeded his authority in rescinding it.
After the first full year the program was operating, the state reported 27 million fewer vehicles entering lower Manhattan and a 7% boost to transit ridership. Bus speeds were also up, traffic noise complaints were down, and the program raised $550 million in net revenue.
The final court order issued Tuesday rejected Duffy’s initial arguments for terminating the program, as well as additional justifications he supplied later in the case.
“We disagree with the court’s ruling,” a spokesperson for the Transportation Department told me, adding that congestion pricing imposes a “massive tax on every New Yorker” and has “made federally funded roads inaccessible to commuters without providing a toll-free alternative.” The Department is “reviewing all legal options — including an appeal — with the Justice Department,” they said.
Current conditions: A cluster of thunderstorms is moving northeast across the middle of the United States, from San Antonio to Cincinnati • Thailand’s disaster agency has put 62 provinces, including Bangkok, on alert for severe summer storms through the end of the week • The American Samoan capital of Pago Pago is in the midst of days of intense thunderstorms.
We are only four days into the bombing campaign the United States and Israel began Saturday in a bid to topple the Islamic Republic’s regime. Oil prices closed Monday nearly 9% higher than where trading started last Friday. Natural gas prices, meanwhile, spiked by 5% in the U.S. and 45% in Europe after Qatar announced a halt to shipments of liquified natural gas through the Strait of Hormuz, which tapers at its narrowest point to just 20 miles between the shores of Iran and the United Arab Emirates. It’s a sign that the war “isn’t just an oil story,” Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin wrote yesterday. Like any good tale, it has some irony: “The one U.S. natural gas export project scheduled to start up soon is, of all things, a QatarEnergy-ExxonMobil joint venture.” Heatmap’s Robinson Meyer further explored the LNG angle with Eurasia Group analyst Gregory Brew on the latest episode of Shift Key.
At least for now, the bombing of Iranian nuclear enrichment sites hasn’t led to any detectable increase in radiation levels in countries bordering Iran, the International Atomic Energy Agency said Monday. That includes the Bushehr nuclear power plant, the Tehran research reactor, and other facilities. “So far, no elevation of radiation levels above the usual background levels has been detected in countries bordering Iran,” Director General Rafael Grossi said in a statement.
Financial giants are once again buying a utility in a bet on electricity growth. A consortium led by BlackRock subsidiary Global Infrastructure Partners and Swedish private equity heavyweight EQT announced a deal Monday to buy utility giant AES Corp. The acquisition was valued at more than $33 billion and is expected to close by early next year at the latest. “AES is a leader in competitive generation,” Bayo Ogunlesi, the chief executive officer of BlackRock’s Global Infrastructure Partners, said in a statement. “At a time in which there is a need for significant investments in new capacity in electricity generation, transmission, and distribution, especially in the United States of America, we look forward to utilizing GIP’s experience in energy infrastructure investing, as well as our operational capabilities to help accelerate AES’ commitment to serve the market needs for affordable, safe and reliable power.” The move comes almost exactly a year after the infrastructure divisions at Blackstone, the world’s largest alternative asset manager, bought the Albuquerque-based utility TXNM Energy in an $11.5 billion gamble on surging power demand.
China’s output of solar power surpassed that of wind for the first time last year as cheap panels flooded the market at home and abroad. The country produced nearly 1.2 million gigawatt-hours of electricity from solar power in 2025, up 40% from a year earlier, according to a Bloomberg analysis of National Bureau of Statistics data published Saturday. Wind generation increased just 13% to more than 1.1 gigawatt-hours. The solar boom comes as Beijing bolsters spending on green industry across the board. China went from spending virtually nothing on fusion energy development to investing more in one year than the entire rest of the world combined, as I have previously reported. To some, China is — despite its continued heavy use of coal — a climate hero, as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham has written.
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Canada and India have a longstanding special friendship on nuclear power. Both countries — two of the juggernauts of the 56-country Commonwealth of Nations — operate fleets that rely heavily on pressurized heavy water reactors, a very different design than the light water reactors that make up the vast majority of the fleets in Europe and the United States. Ottawa helped New Delhi build its first nuclear plants. Now the two countries have renewed their atomic ties in what the BBC called a “landmark” deal Monday. As part of the pact, India signed a nine-year agreement with Canada’s largest uranium miner, Cameco, to supply fuel to New Delhi’s growing fleet of seven nuclear plants. The $1.9 billion deal opens a new market for Canada’s expanding production of uranium ore and gives India, which has long worried about its lack of domestic deposits, a stable supply of fuel.
India, meanwhile, is charging ahead with two new reactors at the Kaiga atomic power station in the southwestern state of Karnataka. The units are set to be IPHWR-700, natively designed pressurized heavy water reactors. Last week, the Nuclear Power Corporation of India poured the first concrete on the new pair of reactors, NucNet reported Monday.
The Spanish refiner Moeve has decided to move forward with an investment into building what Hydrogen Insight called “a scaled-back version” of the first phase of its giant 2-gigawatt Andalusian Green Hydrogen Valley project. Even in a less ambitious form, Reuters pegged the total value of the project at $1.2 billion. Meanwhile in the U.S., as I wrote yesterday, is losing major projects right as big production facilities planned before Trump returned to office come online.
Speaking of building, the LEGO Group is investing another $2.8 million into carbon dioxide removal. The Danish toymaker had already pumped money into carbon-removal projects overseen by Climate Impact Partners and ClimeFi. At this point, LEGO has committed $8.5 million to sucking planet-heating carbon out of the atmosphere, where it circulates for centuries. “As the program expands, it is helping to strengthen our understanding of different approaches and inform future decision-making on how carbon removal may complement our wider climate goals,” Annette Stube, LEGO’s chief sustainability officer, told Carbon Herald.