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As vice president, he would be the Woke Investing Hater-in-Chief.

On Monday afternoon, following a flurry of leaks ruling out North Dakota Governor Doug Burgum and Florida Senator Marco Rubio as Donald Trump’s pick for vice president, the former president announced Hillbilly Elegy author and Ohio junior senator J. D. Vance as his 2024 running mate.
A favorite of Trump’s son Don, Jr. who has molded himself into a populist on the intellectual vanguard of conservatism, Vance has taken on aggressive, culturally inflected views on climate change. While just four years ago he was saying that the United States has a “climate problem,” he has since tacked hard to the right and become a champion of the fossil fuel industry, especially in his home state of Ohio, where his 2022 Senate campaign received generous backing from the oil and gas industry.
While skepticism of anthropogenic climate change and support for oil and gas are nothing new for a Republican officeholder, where Vance has carved himself a particular niche is as a prominent critic of the use of environmental, governance, and social standards in investing, otherwise known as ESG. This is the idea that major investors would reward companies based on their adherence to a set of standards that often include climate-related targets and policies.
The supposed evils of ESG make a natural theme for Vance, one that melds traditional conservative support for business (and especially fossil fuels) and criticism of socially liberal — sorry, woke — elites into a more populist message than a typical Chamber of Commerce criticism of regulation. Or, as Vance himself put it to Breitbart in the days leading up to his election to the Senate in 2022, “ESG is basically a racket to destroy what we still have so that a few people on Wall Street can make some money.” (Somewhere along the line, his company also invested in erstwhile Republican presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy’s anti-woke asset management firm, according to Bloomberg.)
By the time he took office in January 2023, Politico was already calling Vance “the Senate's new anti-ESG warrior.” That July, he sponsored a bill alongside Wyoming’s Cynthia Lummis and Kansas’ Roger Marshall, Republican senators both, that would have appointed an inspector general inside the Treasury Department to “oversee allegations of regulatory abuse and misconduct by financial regulators and kneecap the ability of regulators to push left-wing policy goals through the federal regulatory system.”
Last year, Vance also wrote an op-ed for the Marietta Times arguing for greater exploitation of the Utica Shale, a geological formation that runs under Ohio, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York that contains an estimated 3 billion barrels of oil and natural gas.
Vance claimed in the op-ed that “in an effort to discourage investment in oil and gas companies, President Biden has weaponized the Securities and Exchange Commission to mandate environmental, social, and governance (ESG) scores on publicly traded companies.” (He also noted that “Utica Shale oil production increased by 65 percent in 2023” compared to the year prior, and that wells in Columbiana County in Southeast Ohio had “set new oil production records at the start of the year.”)
Admittedly, Trump’s decision to pick Vance as a running mate doesn’t seem likely to swing the general election needle too much in any one way or another (though it might mess a little with the cabinet position calculus). So far on Monday, the choice has been generally well-received by Republicans, including by the VP also-rans. But with a direct and easy line to Trump, Vance would become one of the most influential people in America in the case of a Republican win in November.
Even if ESG-bashing is kind of old news, it has the sort of culture-war zest to it that Rubio’s China hawkishness and Burgum’s carbon sequestration enthusiasm lack. It’s the sort of alignment that makes the ticket seem almost obvious in retrospect — the Trump-Vance anti-woke, anti-ESG perfect match.
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France’s deadliest heat wave since 2003 killed more than 2,700 people — and possibly as many as 5,700.
More than 5,700 excess deaths were recorded in France during this summer’s record-breaking heat wave, the country’s health agency announced today. That makes the event — which ran, by the official reckoning, from June 17 to July 2 — the country’s deadliest heat wave in more than 20 years.
That’s in line with other estimates we’ve heard. EuroMOMO, a network of European public health agencies that track excess mortality, found that the continent saw more than 10,000 excess deaths during the same period. Roughly 90% of those victims were older than 65, it said. (France’s cohort seems similar: Adults older than 75 made up about two-thirds of the victims, the government said.)
These numbers are staggering — and much larger than some astute Heatmap readers might anticipate. If you read my colleague Jeva Lange’s piece on why it’s so hard to estimate heat deaths last week, she cited a much smaller estimate: Roughly 2,700 died in France during the most recent heat wave. That tally came from Christopher Callahan, an Indiana University scientist who studies climate change’s economic and social costs.
Why is there such a gap between the figures? I emailed Callahan to find out. He shared a few thoughts. First, he uses a different (and theoretically more rigorous) method than the French government: “Our approach uses a statistical relationship between temperature and mortality to explicitly quantify how many additional deaths are associated with a given day’s temperature,” he wrote. “France’s report of excess deaths is just based on how many more people died in late June compared to previous Junes - but we don’t know if those people died because of the heat or some other factor.” (Carbon Brief recently published a Q&A on these varying approaches.)
That might mean his estimate is right, in which case France has misidentified roughly nearly 3,000 deaths. But it could also mean his model, which is trained on data from 2004 to 2019, is “missing something,” he said, like a post-Covid change to public health risk. Last year, Callahan and his colleagues used a similar model to estimate deaths from France’s worst-ever heatwave, a 2003 episode that overwhelmed morgues and killed about 16,000 people. Even 23 years ago, global warming helped make that disaster larger than it needed to be: Some 6,000 of those deaths were due to climate change, their paper found.
Either estimate of the 2026 heat wave, of course, is shattering. As Jeva wrote, even the lower figure would mean the 2026 heat wave killed as many people as died in three years of French homicides. But the divergence in estimates tells us something else too: Even as climate change breaks records and alters our world, we’re never going to quite agree on where it ends and normal randomness begins.
The AI data center boom does not seem close to ending. Google’s parent company, Alphabet, announced its second quarter results this evening, and it beat Wall Street’s expectations, nearly quadrupling its profit on a year-over-year basis. Among the drivers: Its cloud business grew 82% compared to the same quarter last year. (As I’ve written, that rapid growth is helping to turn Alphabet and other hyperscalers into light industrial firms.)
The company’s AI bets seem to be paying off so far — so Google is now planning on spending even more on data centers, energy infrastructure and AI development this year than it once anticipated. It raised its estimates of 2026 capital expenditure to $195 billion to $205 billion, which is above earlier projections and twice as much as it spent in the same category last year. 2027 could be even bigger, it signaled. The company’s shares fell slightly on the news in after-hours trading, but from an energy and climate wonk perspective, the message is clear: For now, the AI demand surge transforming the power sector — and the real economy — continues to chug along.