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Tech companies, developers, and banks are converging behind “flexible loads.”

Electricity prices are up by over 5% so far this year — more than twice the overall rate of inflation — while utilities have proposed $29 billion worth of rate hikes so far this year, compared to $12 billion last year, according to electricity policy research group PowerLines. At the same time, new data centers are sprouting up everywhere as tech giants try to outpace each other — and their Chinese rivals — in the race to develop ever more advanced (and energy hungry) artificial intelligence systems, with hundreds of billions of dollars of new investments still in the pipeline.
You see the problem here?
In the PJM Interconnection, America’s largest electricity market which includes Virginia’s “data center alley” as part of its 13-state territory, some 30 gigawatts of a projected 32 total gigawatts of load growth through 2030 are expected to come from data centers.
“The onrush of demand has created significant upward pricing pressure and has raised future resource adequacy concerns,” David Mills, the chair of PJM’s board of managers, said in a letter last week announcing the beginning of a process to look into the issues raised by large load interconnection — i.e. getting data centers on the grid without exploding costs for other users of the grid or risking blackouts.
Customers in PJM are paying the price already, as increasingly scarce capacity has translated into upward-spiraling payments to generators, which then show up on retail electricity bills. New large loads can raise costs still further by requiring grid upgrades to accommodate the increased demand for power — costs that get passed down to all ratepayers. PJM alone has announced over $10 billion in transmission upgrades, according to research by Johns Hopkins scholar Abraham Silverman. “These new costs are putting significant upward pressure on customer bills,” Silverman wrote in a report with colleagues Suzanne Glatz and Mahala Lahvis, released in June.
“There’s increasing recognition that the path we’re on right now is not long-term sustainable,” Silverman told me when we spoke this week about the report. “Costs are increasing too fast. The amount of infrastructure we need to build is too much. We need to prioritize, and we need to make this data center expansion affordable for consumers. Right now it’s simply not. You can’t have multi-billion-dollar rate increases year over year.”
While it’s not clear precisely what role existing data center construction has played in electricity bill increases on a nationwide scale, rising electricity rates will likely become a political problem wherever and whenever they do hit, with data centers being the most visible manifestation of the pressures on the grid.
Charles Hua, the founder and executive director of PowerLines, called data centers “arguably the most important topic in energy,” but cautioned that outside of specific demonstrable instances (e.g. in PJM), linking them to utility rate increases can be “a very oversimplified narrative.” The business model for vertically integrated utilities can incentivize them to over-invest in local transmission, Hua pointed out. And even without new data center construction, the necessity of replacing and updating an aging grid would remain.
Still, the connection between large new sources of demand and higher prices is pretty easy to draw: Electricity grids are built to accommodate peak demand, while the bills customers receive are based on a combination of the fixed cost of maintaining the grid for everyone and the cost of the energy itself, therefore higher peak demand and more grid maintenance equals higher bills.
But what if data centers could use the existing transmission and generation system and not add to peak generation? That’s the promise of load flexibility.
If data centers could commit to not requiring power at times of extremely high demand, they could essentially piggyback on existing grid infrastructure. Widely cited research by Tyler Norris, Tim Profeta, Dalia Patino-Echeverri, and Adam Cowie-Haskell of Duke University demonstrated that curtailing large loads for as little as 0.5% of their annual uptime (177 hours of curtailment annually on average, with curtailment typically lasting just over two hours) could allow almost 100 gigawatts of new demand to connect to the grid without requiring extensive, costly upgrades.
The groundswell behind flexibility has rapidly gained institutional credibility. Last week, Google announced that it had reached deals with two utilities, Indiana Michigan Power and the Tennessee Valley Authority, to incorporate flexibility into how their data centers run. The Indiana Michigan Power contract will “allow [Google] to reduce or shift electricity demand to carry out non-urgent tasks during hours when the electric grid is under less stress,” the utility said.
Google has long been an innovator in energy procurement — it famously pioneered the power purchase agreement structure that has helped finance many a renewable energy development — and already has its fingers in many pots when it comes to grid flexibility. The company’s chief scientist, Jeff Dean, is an investor in Emerald AI, a software company that promises to help data centers work flexibly, while its urbanism-focused spinout Sidewalk Infrastructure Partners has backed Verrus, a demand-flexible data center developer.
Hyperscale developers aren’t the only big fish excited about data center flexibility. Financiers are, as well.
Goldman Sachs released a splashy report this week that cited Norris extensively (plus Heatmap). Data center flexibility promises to be a win-win-win, according to Goldman (which, of course, would love to finance an AI boom unhindered by higher retail electricity rates or long interconnection queues for new generation). “What if, thanks to curtailment, instead of overwhelming the grid, AI data centers became the shock absorbers that finally unlocked this stranded capacity?” the report asks.
The holy grail for developers and flexibility is not just saving money on electricity, which is a small cost compared to procuring advanced chips to train and run AI models. The real win would be to build new data centers faster. “Time to market is critical for AI companies,” the Goldman analysts wrote.
But creating a system where data centers can connect to the grid sooner if they promise to be flexible about power consumption would require immense institutional change for states, utilities, regulators, and power markets.
“We really don’t have existing service tiers in place for most jurisdictions that acknowledges and incentivizes flexible loads and plans around them,” Norris told me.
When I talked to Silverman, he told me that integrating flexibility into local decision-making could mean rewriting state utility regulations to allow a special pathway for data centers. It could also involve making local or state tax incentives contingent on flexibility.
Whatever the new structure looks like, the point is to “enshrine a policy that says, ‘data centers are different,’ and we are going to explicitly recognize those differences and tailor rules to data centers,” Silverman said. He pointed specifically to a piece of legislation in New Jersey that he consulted on, which would have utilities and regulators work together to come up with specific rate structures for data centers.
Norris also pointed to a proposal in the Southwest Power Pool, which runs down the spine of the country from the Dakotas to Louisiana, which would allow large loads like data centers to connect to the grid quickly “with the tradeoff of potential curtailment during periods of system stress to protect regional reliability,” the transmission organization said.
And there’s still more legal and regulatory work to be done before hyperscalers can take full advantage of those incentives, Norris told me. Utilities and their data center customers would have to come up with a rate structure that incorporates flexibility and faster interconnection, where more flexibility can allow for quicker timelines.
Speed is of the essence — not just to be able to link up more data centers, but also to avoid a political firestorm around rising electricity rates. There’s already a data center backlash brewing: The city of Tucson earlier this month rejected an Amazon facility in a unanimous city council vote, taken in front of a raucous, cheering crowd. Communities in Indiana, a popular location for data center construction, have rejected several projects.
The drama around PJM may be a test case for the rest of the country. After its 2024 capacity auction jumped came in at $15 billion, up from just over $2 billion the year before, complaints from Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro led to a price cap on future auctions. PJM’s chief executive said in April that he would resign by the end of this year. A few months later, PJM’s next capacity auction hit the price cap.
“You had every major publication writing that AI data centers are causing electricity prices to spike” after the PJM capacity auction, Norris told me. “They lost that public relations battle.”
With more flexibility, there’s a chance for data center developers to tell a more positive story about how they affect the grid.
“It’s not just about avoiding additional costs,” Norris said. “There’s this opportunity that if you can mitigate additional cost, you can put downward cost on rates.” That’s almost putting things generously — data center developers might not have a choice.
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And more of the week’s top news around development conflicts.
1. Benton County, Washington – The bellwether for Trump’s apparent freeze on new wind might just be a single project in Washington State: the Horse Heaven wind farm.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – The big data center fight of the week was the Kevin O’Leary-backed project in the middle of the Utah desert. But what actually happened?
3. Durham County, North Carolina – While the Shark Tank data center sucked up media oxygen, a more consequential fight for digital infrastructure is roiling in one of the largest cities in the Tar Heel State.
4. Richland County, Ohio – We close Hotspots on the longshot bid to overturn a renewable energy ban in this deeply MAGA county, which predictably failed.
A conversation with Nick Loris of C3 Solutions
This week’s conversation is with Nick Loris, head of the conservative policy organization C3 Solutions. I wanted to chat with Loris about how he and others in the so-called “eco right” are approaching the data center boom. For years, groups like C3 have occupied a mercurial, influential space in energy policy – their ideas and proposals can filter out into Congress and state legislation while shaping the perspectives of Republican politicians who want to seem on the cutting edge of energy and the environment. That’s why I took note when in late April, Loris and other right-wing energy wonks dropped a set of “consumer-first” proposals on transmission permitting reform geared toward addressing energy demand rising from data center development. So I’m glad Loris was available to lay out his thoughts with me for the newsletter this week.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is the eco right approaching permitting reform in the data center boom?
I would say the eco-right broadly speaking is thinking of the data center and load growth broadly as a tremendous and very real opportunity to advance permitting and regulatory reforms at the federal and state level that would enable the generation and linear infrastructure – transmission lines or pipelines – to meet the demand we’re going to see. Not just for hyperscalers and data centers but the needs of the economy. It also sees this as an opportunity to advance tech-neutral reforms where if it makes sense for data centers to get power from virtual power plants, solar, and storage, natural gas, or co-locate and invest in an advanced reactor, all options should be on the table. Fundamentally speaking, if data centers are going to pay for that infrastructure, it brings even greater opportunity to reduce the cost of these technologies. Data centers being a first mover and needing the power as fast as possible could be really helpful for taking that step to get technologies that have a price premium, too.
When it comes to permitting, how important is permitting with respect to “speed-to-power”? What ideas do you support given the rush to build, keeping in mind the environmental protection aspect?
You don’t build without sufficient protections to air quality, water quality, public health, and safety in that regard.
Where I see the fundamental need for permitting reform is, take a look at all the environmental statutes at the federal level and analyze where they’re needing an update and modernization to maintain rigorous environmental standards but build at a more efficient pace. I know the National Environmental Policy Act and the House bill, the SPEED Act, have gotten lots of attention and deservedly so. But also it’s taking a look at things like the Clean Water Act, when states can abuse authority to block pipelines or transmission lines, or the Endangered Species Act, where litigation can drag on for a lot of these projects.
Are there any examples out there of your ideal permitting preferences, prioritizing speed-to-power while protecting the environment? Or is this all so new we’re still in the idea phase?
It’s a little bit of both. For example, there are some states with what’s called a permit-by-rule system. That means you get the permit as long as you meet the environmental standards in place. You have to be in compliance with all the environmental laws on the books but they’ll let them do this as long as they’re monitored, making sure the compliance is legitimate.
One of the structural challenges with some state laws and federal laws is they’re more procedural statutes and a mother may I? approach to permitting. Other statutes just say they’ll enforce rules and regulations on the books but just let companies build projects. Then look at a state like Texas, where they allow more permits rather quickly for all kinds of energy projects. They’ve been pretty efficient at building everything from solar and storage to oil and gas operations.
I think there’s just many different models. Are we early in the stages? There’s a tremendous amount of ideas and opportunities out there. Everything from speeding up interconnection queues to consumer regulated electricity, which is kind of a bring-your-own-power type of solution where companies don’t have to answer or respond to utilities.
It sounds like from your perspective you want to see a permitting pace that allows speed-to-power while protecting the environment.
Yeah, that’s correct. I mean, in the case of a natural gas turbine, if they’re in compliance with the regulations at the state and federal level I don’t have an issue with that. I more so have an issue if they’re disregarding rules at the federal or state level.
We know data centers can be built quickly and we know energy infrastructure cannot. I don’t know if they’ll ever get on par with one another but I do think there are tremendous opportunities to make those processes more efficient. Not just for data centers but to address the cost concerns Americans are seeing across the board.
Do you think the data center boom is going to lead to lots more permitting reform being enacted? Or will the backlash to new projects stop all that?
I think the fundamental driver of permitting reform will be higher energy prices and we’ll need more supply to have more reliability. You just saw NERC put out a level 3 warning about the stability of the grid, driven by data centers. People really pay attention to this when prices are rising.
Will data centers help or hurt the cause? I think that remains to be seen. If there’s opportunities for data centers to pay for infrastructure, including what they’re using, there are areas where projects have been good partners in communities. If they’re the ones taking the opportunity to invest, and they can ensure ratepayers won’t be footing the bill for the power infrastructure, I think they’ll be more of an asset for permitting reform than a harm.
The general public angst against data centers is – trying to think of the right word here – a visceral reaction. It snowballed on itself. Hopefully there’s a bit of an opportunity for a reset and broader understanding of what legitimate concerns are and where we can have better education.
And I’m certainly not shilling for the data centers. I’m here to say they can be good partners and allies in meeting our energy needs.
I’m wondering from your vantage point, what are you hearing from the companies themselves? Is it about a need to build faster? What are they telling you about the backlash to their projects?
When I talk to industry, speed-to-power has been their number one two and three concern. That is slightly shifting because of the growing angst about data centers. Even a few years ago, when developers were engaging with state legislatures, they were hearing more questions than answers. But it’s mostly about how companies can connect to the grid as fast as possible, or whether they can co-locate energy.
Okay, but going back to what you just said about the backlash here. As this becomes more salient, including in Republican circles, is the trendline for the eco-right getting things built faster or tackling these concerns head on?
To me it's a yes, and.
I would broaden this out to be not just the eco right but also Abundance progressives, Abundance conservatives, and libertarians. We need to address these issues head on – with better education, better community engagement. Make sure people know what is getting built. I mean, the Abundance movement as a whole is trying to address those systemic problems.
It’s also an opportunity for the necessary policy reform that has plagued energy development in the U.S. for decades. I see this from an eco right perspective and an abundance progressive perspective that it's an opportunity to say why energy development matters. For families, for the entire U.S. energy economy, and for these hyperscalers.
But if you don’t win in the court of public opinion, none of this is going to matter. We do need to listen to the communities. It’s not an either or here.
And future administrations will learn from his extrajudicial success.
President Donald Trump is now effectively blocking any new wind projects in the United States, according to the main renewables trade group, using the federal government’s power over all things air and sky to grind a routine approval process to a screeching halt.
So far, almost everything Trump has done to target the wind energy sector has been defeated in court. His Day 1 executive order against the wind industry was found unconstitutional. Each of his stop work orders trying to shut down wind farms were overruled. Numerous moves by his Interior Department were ruled illegal.
However, since the early days of Trump 2.0, renewable energy industry insiders have been quietly skittish about a potential secret weapon: the Federal Aviation Administration. Any structure taller than 200 feet must be approved to not endanger commercial planes – that’s an FAA job. If the FAA decided to indefinitely seize up the so-called “no hazard” determinations process, legal and policy experts have told me it would potentially pose an existential risk to all future wind development.
Well, this is now the strategy Trump is apparently taking. Over the weekend, news broke that the Defense Department is refusing to sign off on things required to complete the FAA clearance process. From what I’ve heard from industry insiders, including at the American Clean Power Association, the issues started last summer but were limited in scale, primarily impacting projects that may have required some sort of deal to mitigate potential impacts on radar or other military functions.
Over the past few weeks, according to ACP, this once-routine process has fully deteriorated and companies are operating with the understanding FAA approvals are on pause because the Department of Defense (or War, if you ask the administration) refuses to sign off on anything. The military is given the authority to weigh in and veto these decisions through a siting clearinghouse process established under federal statute. But the trade group told me this standstill includes projects where there are no obvious impacts to military operations, meaning there aren’t even any bases or defense-related structures nearby.
One energy industry lawyer who requested anonymity to speak candidly on the FAA problems told me, “This is the strategy for how you kill an industry while losing every case: just keep coming at the industry. Create an uninvestable climate and let the chips fall where they may.”
I heard the same from Tony Irish, a former career attorney for the Interior Department, including under Trump 1.0, who told me he essentially agreed with that attorney’s assessment.
“One of the major shames of the last 15 months is this loss of the presumption of regularity,” Irish told me. “This underscores a challenge with our legal system. They can find ways to avoid courts altogether – and it demonstrates a unilateral desire to achieve an end regardless of the legality of it, just using brute force.”
In a statement to me, the Pentagon confirmed its siting clearinghouse “is actively evaluating land-based wind projects to ensure they do not impair national security or military operations, in accordance with statutory and regulatory requirements.” The FAA declined to comment on whether the country is now essentially banning any new wind projects and directed me to the White House. Then in an email, White House deputy press secretary Anna Kelly told me the Pentagon statement “does not ‘confirm’” the country instituted a de facto ban on new wind projects. Kelly did not respond to a follow up question asking for clarification on the administration’s position.
Faced with a cataclysmic scenario, the renewable energy industry decided to step up to the bully pulpit. The American Clean Power Association sent statements to the Financial Times, The New York Times and me confirming that at least 165 wind projects are now being stalled by the FAA determination process, representing about 30 gigawatts of potential electricity generation. This also apparently includes projects that negotiated agreements with the government to mitigate any impacts to military activities. The trade group also provided me with a statement from its CEO Jason Grumet accusing the Trump administration of “actively driving the debate” over federal permitting “into the ditch by abusing the current permitting system” – a potential signal for Democrats in Congress to raise hell over this.
Indeed, on permitting reform, the Trump team may have kicked a hornet’s nest. Senate Energy and Natural Resources Ranking Member Martin Heinrich – a key player in congressional permitting reform talks – told me in a statement that by effectively blocking all new wind projects, the Trump administration “undercuts their credibility and bipartisan permitting reform.” California Democratic Rep. Mike Levin said in an interview Tuesday that this incident means Heinrich and others negotiating any federal permitting deal “should be cautious in how we trust but verify.”
But at this point, permitting reform drama will do little to restore faith that the U.S. legal and regulatory regime can withstand such profound politicization of one type of energy. There is no easy legal remedy to these aerospace problems; none of the previous litigation against Trump’s attacks on wind addressed the FAA, and as far as we know the military has not in its correspondence with energy developers cited any of the regulatory or policy documents that were challenged in court.
Actions like these have consequences for future foreign investment in U.S. energy development. Last August, after the Transportation Department directed the FAA to review wind farms to make sure they weren’t “a danger to aviation,” government affairs staff for a major global renewables developer advised the company to move away from wind in the U.S. market because until the potential FAA issues were litigated it would be “likely impossible to move forward with construction of any new wind projects.” I am aware this company has since moved away from actively developing wind projects in the U.S. where they had previously made major investments as recently as 2024.
Where does this leave us? I believe the wind industry offers a lesson for any developers of large, politically controversial infrastructure – including data centers. Should the federal government wish to make your business uninvestable, it absolutely will do so and the courts cannot stop them.