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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.

When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
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On a rare earth jumpstart, Constellation’s warning, and V.C. Summer
Current conditions: Super Typhoon Sinlaku made landfall over America’s Pacific territories as the strongest storm in the world, walloping the Northern Mariana Islands with 42-foot waves • New York City’s forecast high of 88 degrees Fahrenheit could break the the 87-degree record set for this day in 1941 • Equatorial Guinea faces flooding as heavy thunderstorms are on track to continue for at least the next week.

The United States’ blockade of Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is confirmed to be in effect. A Financial Times analysis of tracking data showed several tankers transiting the waterway “either stopped or turned around.” While “several cargo ships that had come from Iranian ports, including at least two sanctioned tankers, attempted to cross the narrow waterway in the hours after the embargo came into effect on Monday,” reporters Alice Hancock and Steff Chávez wrote, “none have gone further than the mouth of the Gulf of Oman.”
China, whose vessels previously passed through the Strait of Hormuz even as Iran blocked the route for ships coming from or heading to Washington’s Arab allies on the opposite shore of the Persian Gulf, called the U.S. naval siege “dangerous and irresponsible.” With Tehran stopping ships coming from the Gulf Cooperation Council nations and the Americans intercepting vessels from Iranian ports, “the de facto result of it is that no one is really going to be able to leave the Gulf,” Cornell University’s Nicolas Mulder told Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin. “And that’s kind of where I see this game theoretically ending up.”
Tactical Resources Corp wants to develop a rare earth mine in the area southeast of El Paso, Texas, where rich deposits have drawn a few investors to what could become a hub for the state’s production of the metals needed for modern energy and weapons technologies. But even under the best case scenario, it’ll be a while before the company produces minerals from its site. And demand for domestically supplied rare earths is only going up. So the company has found a faster way to get material to market. In March, the startup bought a long-running quarry near its mining site that already produces the Union Pacific railway’s ballast, the sharp, angular rocks that form the track bed. On Wednesday, I can exclusively report for this newsletter, Tactical Resources plans to announce that it has secured 1.5 million tons of “crushed aggregate feedstock” – tailings from the years of ballast mining — that “appear to contain consistent” levels of rare earth ores. The company said the stockpiled waste material “is expected to serve as a potential near-term feedstock” for the company’s Peak Rare Earth Project, the hard-rock mine located near the quarry. “With approximately 1.5 million tons of material now secured,” Ranjeet Sundher, Tactical Resources’ chief executive, told me in a statement, “we are positioning the Peak Project to advance without the delays typically associated with a new mine development.”
The company’s shift comes as mineral extraction methods once derided as poor alternatives for new large-scale mining gain new ground. Last month, the Trump administration, which sought to clear the way for more mining last year, offered up to $500 million for companies promising to commercialize novel ways of refining and recycling rare earths, as I reported at the time.
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The top boss of the nation’s largest operator of nuclear and geothermal power stations, said the U.S. is “very behind” China in the race to build up enough energy to feed the data centers needed for artificial intelligence. Speaking at Tuesday’s Semafor World Economy conference in Washington, D.C., Constellation Energy Group CEO Joseph Dominguez said “we’re in some trouble” if the U.S. plan was to keep pace with China’s construction of power plants. “If this is going to be a race between China and the U.S. to build energy, might as well call it a day,” he said. Since 2010, he noted, China has added the equivalent capacity of the entire U.S. electrical system 1.5 times over. America’s best bet, Dominguez said, was to take advantage of how little of the U.S. system is currently being used by clearing space on the wires by managing peak energy demand. “It’s imperative that we win this ... for the defense of the nation and our way of life,” he said, and called for a national policy to supplant state-by-state approval processes. “If NIMBYism becomes the reason we lose the AI race, for whatever reason, we’re in a whole lot of trouble in this country.”
Back in March 2025, Tyler Norris, at the time a Duke University researcher, published an influential paper detailing how the U.S. could add gigawatts of additional data center capacity simply by having those server farms dial down power usage during hours when the grid is stressed. It represented, as Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin put it, “one weird trick for getting more data centers on the grid.” That the idea is now being all but endorsed by the top executive of a company that benefits from building more power generation shows how urgent the need is to come up with creative solutions to get around the bottlenecks for building new power stations. At the time, Norris — now part of a recently-assembled elite team of energy experts at Google — told me such an approach would also buy time to plan out what kind of new generation makes the most sense for the U.S. instead of just buying more gas turbines. It’s becoming a problem elsewhere. On Tuesday, the NAACP filed a lawsuit against Elon Musk’s xAI, accusing the company behind the Grok chat bot of illegally polluting the air with exhaust from the gas-fired turbines powering its data center complex south of Memphis, Tennessee.
Slate Auto has secured a much-needed cash infusion as the Jeff Bezos-backed electric vehicle startup scales up its manufacturing capacity ahead of the launch later this year of its affordable, mass-market pickup. The company said Monday it raised $650 million to prepare its plant in Warsaw, Indiana, before production begins “by the end of this year,” InsideEVs reported. The starting price for the company’s vehicle is expected to come out to about $25,000.
Another Bezos-related electric vehicle maker, the Amazon-backed Rivian, inked a deal with battery recycler Redwood Materials to repurpose 100 of the automaker’s lithium-ion packs for grid-scale energy storage. As part of the agreement, Rivian will provide the batteries to Redwood, which will integrate them into one of its grid-scale battery products. The power will be consumed on site by Rivian’s factory in Normal, Illinois. “At the same time, the massive amount of domestic battery assets already in the U.S. market represents a strategic energy resource,” JB Straubel, Redwood Materials founder and chief executive, said in a statement. “Our partnership with Rivian shows how EV battery packs can be turned into dispatchable energy resources, bringing new capacity online quickly, supporting critical manufacturing, and reducing strain on the grid without waiting years for new infrastructure. This is a scalable model for how we add meaningful energy capacity in the near term.”
Santee Cooper, South Carolina’s state-owned utility company, has given itself two years to decide whether a $2.7 billion deal to revive the state’s failed nuclear expansion will come to fruition. In December, the company reached a tentative agreement with New York investment firm Brookfield Asset Management, the majority owner of the Westinghouse Electric Company, to buy two partially built AP1000 reactors at the V.C. Summer nuclear plant. But Brookfield still hasn’t finalized the deal, according to the South Carolina Daily Gazette. Santee Cooper plans to outline the next steps for the project in June.
The Trump administration, meanwhile, is honing its plans for building nuclear power in space. On Tuesday, the White House released a six-page policy memo outlining its multi-agency strategy to produce a “nearterm demonstration and use of low- to mid-power space reactors in orbit and on the lunar surface.” Federal agencies, the memo read, “will establish cost-effective partnerships with private-sector innovators to meet near-term objectives that include safely deploying nuclear reactors in orbit as early as 2027 and on the Moon as early as 2030.”
An era of small-scale solar panels that can generate power from spaces as small as balconies may be upon us here in New York. The state is considering a bill that would allow for the installation and grid connection of small-scale panels that apartment dwellers — even renters — could easily afford and install. Data Gothamist cited from the plug-in solar advocacy group Bright Saver suggests the panels can offshore power usage by 10% to 25%. “Most New York City residents live in rental apartments and multi-family dwellings, so up until now, they really haven’t had a way to take any advantage of solar options,” state Senator Liz Krueger, a Democrat who represents Manhattan’s East Side and the bill’s sponsor, told the news site. “This really is a game-changer because frankly, anybody who’s got about $300 can go buy one of these.”
A conversation with anti-tech extremism researcher Mauro Lubrano on Sam Altman, Tesla protests, and 5G.
A spate of headline-grabbing attacks motivated by anxiety over artificial intelligence have rattled nerves across the U.S.
On Friday, I wrote a story about whether developers should be worried about violence after a shooting in Indiana targeted a city councilman who had voted in favor of a local data center. Almost at the same time the story published, news broke that an attacker had attempted to firebomb OpenAI CEO Sam Altman’s house. On Monday, the Justice Department filed charges against a 20-year-old from Texas for allegedly throwing a Molotov cocktail at the AI executive’s house. The Houston Chronicle reported that the individual charged had a Substack where they posted several anti-AI screeds; while I have reviewed the blog and can verify it exists, I cannot confirm the author’s connection to the individual charged.
As if that wasn’t enough, just days after the alleged firebombing, two people shot at Altman’s house.
To attempt to make sense of such chaotic brutality, I spoke with Mauro Lubrano, a lecturer at the University of Bath in the United Kingdom and author of the new book Stop the Machines: The Rise of Anti-Tech Extremism. Lubrano has for much of his career studied the rise of a global decentralized movement against tech infrastructure, including energy and transportation systems. Last year, for example, he published a detailed examination of the spate of attacks against Tesla vehicles, dealerships, and factories, calling them “insurrectionary anarchism” rooted in “anti-tech extremism” that “spans multiple ideologies — from eco-extremism to eco-fascism.”
Lubrano and I discussed how a prevailing pessimism about the future, AI acceleration, and climate anxiety is making people more likely to launch physical attacks on devices representing a perceived techno-apocalypse. Lubrano said we should expect more people to attack things linked to electricity itself, and that the solution to the violence is not eco-modernism or optimistic thinking, but rather society finally working through the hard questions raised by AI, climate change, economic inequality, and the other ills vexing so many today.
The following conversation was lightly edited and condensed for clarity.
We’ve seen these movements against tech infrastructure — attacks, threats — for a while. The concept goes back a long time. For a lot of folks in the U.S., there’s analogues here ranging from the assassination of the UnitedHealthcare CEO to ecoterrorism attacks on pipelines and other forms of energy infrastructure. How would you characterize the forces driving these recent attacks on executives and politicians supporting AI data centers?
When we look at anti-technology violence, we tend to see two main patterns of violence: attacks on tech executives, personalities, and so on; and attacks on critical infrastructure. This is related to a worldview that technology is not a collection of individual devices, but part of an interconnected system. Some anti-tech extremists will refer to the “mega-machine,” one that has three main manifestations. There’s an ideological one — the general idea that progress is inherently good. There’s the material manifestation, which is the technologies we interact with every day. And there’s the human component. People become cogs. So by targeting cogs in the machine, you contribute to the collapse of the machine itself.
There’s a propaganda element to all of this, too, targeting individuals who for one reason or another are prominent so it sends shockwaves to the tech community, to make some people change minds or join them in their anti-tech fight, or to just deter people from pursuing research on technology.
Then there’s also critical infrastructure. It comes back to this vision of the mega-machine, where instead of targeting individual technologies you target those critical for the machine to function. They want to strike those first because they will create a domino effect, where they affect all the technologies and the collapse of the system. You will find the attacks tend to cluster around specific targets.
How do you define technology here? Do you mean any kind of tech application? I’m hearing what you’re saying and thinking this may apply to more than AI.
Oh, of course. It’s not just AI. When these people think of technology they are not just thinking of devices but know-how, the ideology of progress, of social forces shaping society and how it works and how labor is organized. Technology is a complex entity, in a way.
In the early 2010s, for example, you saw attacks on facilities after the Fukushima Daiichi disaster. More recently, you had attacks on companies making semiconductors and microchips, so if you take out microchips you cripple the system. And data centers have been discussed for quite some time — I wouldn’t be surprised if we see something happen there, as well. It’s about identifying technologies that all other tech depends on.
There’s an argument some of them make that there’s only one technology all the other depend on, which is electricity. That’s why we’ve seen attacks on power plants, on different targets related to power.
Are you speaking about organized groups? Discussions and forums? I’m sure you’re referencing people you know of, but help us get a better understanding.
When we look at the violent side of the coin we need to acknowledge first that these networks, these movements, reflect trends we’ve seen in political violence over the last few decades, trends that show us we’re in a post-organizational era of political violence. We have names, we have acronyms, but these names are not as important as they used to be. These are decentralized networks, often leaderless, that operate without solid hierarchies or chains of control. We’re not talking about organizations like Al-Qaeda or the Irish Republican Army. We’re talking about networks in which militants often do not know each other because they interact online.
Some of the networks that have been involved in these kinds of attacks are the Informal Anarchist Federation. It formed in 2003 in Italy and became a global entity around 2011. There’s the Conspiracy of Fire Nuclei, which emerged in Greece and then became international. And then there’s a series of ad hoc groups that have emerged over the decades, sometimes who are only known because they’ll release a communique after an attack. Like there’s Vulkan Group, which has carried out a series of attacks on Tesla factories in Germany. Or Individualists Tending to the Wild.
An affiliation to a network is not motivated by gaining material or support or leadership. It’s almost an identity factor because again, when these individuals carry out attacks on their own, they don’t rely on existing networks for support. They might also only be around for one or two attacks because it’s not the group that matters — it’s the network.
Is it just the rise of modern technology driving this violence? Are there other factors at play inciting events, creating this current wave of attacks?
One of the remarkable qualities of anti-tech extremism is that it’s quite flexible. The way this decentralized system works, especially on the anarchist or eco-extremist side, is one side will carry out an attack in a communique they publish online and then make a call for similar attacks on similar targets. Whether or not attacks occur is up to others in the network. If a campaign is considered not really appealing, this might not take place. If instead it’s deemed appealing, you’ll see more attacks.
Last year there was a campaign a French group started called Welcome Spring, Burn a Tesla, which resulted across Europe in a lot of Tesla dealerships being torched. There was some confusion because there was also a campaign against Elon Musk and Tesla, but that wasn’t carried out by people motivated by anti-tech violence, but instead Musk’s role in the U.S. government.
There can also be things people say that incite. In this case, there was an interview recently where Sam Altman basically said if AI is going to steal all the jobs, then maybe those jobs weren’t “real” in the first place. That type of statement is likely to make a few people annoyed. It’s hard to consider what type of development might constitute a catalyst for violence.
I’m struck by the way you’re describing this movement and the rhetoric and signals. I think about Alex Jones and, for example, the idea that 5G is going to brainwash people on behalf of globalists. Do you see anything in global politics providing kindling to this fire?
This is an interesting question because conspiracy thinking is widespread amongst these groups, that there’s this obscure force at work determining outcomes. But on the other hand it depends. In certain groups of people, there’s such a rejection to anything conventional that you’d find disagreement between those people and the political figures. In others, you might argue influencers or politicians who spread rumors about COVID vaccines or 5G that this idea resonates. For example, I don’t see anarchists paying attention to what a politician says because they’re a part of the problem to begin with.
What can be done to counterbalance this? Is there an oppositional force against this rising tide of anti-tech violence? I’ve been stunned to see the absence of any widespread outrage online at what’s transpired so far. Almost all the commentary has been “good, I’m glad this is happening.”
I’m not surprised you’re saying this about the commentary. I’ve been researching violence for years now, but this is the first time I’ve seen the narratives of extremists reflecting some objective concerns amongst people. It doesn’t mean all those other people are participating in the violence themselves, but concerns about AI are real. People are afraid and scared of these developments they don’t understand. But what they do understand is that it’ll have impacts on their lives, to the extent they’re able to comprehend it.
I think demonizing these concerns driving the violence would be a very foolish thing to do. It’ll confirm narratives of surveillance and control.
Right. I mean, some of these are valid concerns. Water, electricity, job loss, surveillance. All of that. But if demonizing this isn’t the right call, what can be done?
Short term, don’t securitize these concerns but do something to limit the violent manifestations. Most of the solutions will be long term. That’s not what people want. People want solutions with immediate effect.
You can divide the solutions into two groups. The first one is, stakeholders and those who develop technologies have to be responsibilized. Going back to that Altman interview, these kinds of comments are not doing us a favor in trying to solve the violence — not to mention other stakeholders can be even more incendiary. You can also limit the problem in how the technologies are used. If we see AI is used to monitor people at protests and demonstrations, acquire and execute attacks in warfare, it can only get worse from here. These applications of AI don’t do us a favor.
Then on a philosophical level, we all need to change the way we relate to technology. We need to go from a position where we think, “What does this allow me to do?” We need to instead think, “Within those activities, let’s select those that will further our connections with one another and with nature.”
What about eco-modernism? Techno-optimism? Are those ideologies solutions or antidotes? Or are they inadequate to address the sheer degree of pessimism and anxiety driving this violence?
From what I can see, doomerism and pessimism is now so widespread that I don’t think those ideologies can work. A lot of people in younger generations believe we are doomed. They believe climate change is going to ruin our lives. There’s wars, geopolitical conflicts. We’re stuck with dystopian visions of the future. This isn’t confined to anti-tech stuff, so therefore optimism has very limited effects.
What gives you hope?
That’s funny because I’m working on a project that concludes there’s no hope.
I didn’t think that was going to be a hard question.
There’s a growing acknowledgement that people may be too dependent on technology. Hopefully we’ll manage to be less dependent on technology and more conscious of what it’s doing to us. An awareness that AI has tremendous environmental impacts.
With acknowledgement is where you need to start. That’s the little hope I have.
Current conditions: A wave of summer heat is headed for the East Coast, with midweek temperatures surpassing 90 degrees Fahrenheit in Washington, D.C. • Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands are bracing for winds of up to 190 miles per hour as Super Typhoon Sinlaku bears down on the U.S. territories • At least 30 people have died in floods in Yemen, which just recorded its highest rainfall in five years.
The Trump administration is holding up some funding for grants at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, The Hill reported. On April 1, the University of Colorado put out a statement saying that a federal pause on funding had put scientists who collect data about the atmosphere “at risk for elimination” after the White House Office of Management and Budget had “not released these funds.” The university’s Cooperative Institute for Research in Environmental Sciences said that roughly 30 days before running out of funds to pay scientists, “we were informed that NOAA has put a pause on all grant actions.”
As I told you back in December, the Trump administration is also working to dismantle the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Colorado, an institution credited with many of the biggest scientific breakthroughs in our understanding of weather and climate over the past 66 years since its founding. In a post on X at the time, Russell Vought, the director of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget, called the institute “one of the largest sources of climate alarmism in the country,” and said the administration would be “breaking up” its operations.
Secretary of Energy Chris Wright is scheduled to testify Wednesday morning before the House Committee on Appropriations to defend the White House’s latest budget request for his agency. He’s not the only chieftain of a federal agency with relevance to Heatmap readers who’s coming before Congress this week.
U.S. Customs and Border Protection plans to launch the first phase of what’s called the Consolidated Administration and Processing of Entries tool in the agency’s automated commercial secure data portal to allow companies to request refunds of Trump administration tariffs the U.S. Supreme Court ruled unlawful earlier this year. Solar companies are among the thousands of American businesses that filed complaints with the U.S. Court of International Trade for refunds prior to the Supreme Court’s ruling. Those, according to Solar Power World, include American Wire Group, Canadian Solar, GameChange Solar, Fluke, Hellerman Tyton, Kinematics, JA Solar, Jinko Solar, Longi, Merlin Solar, Qcells, and Trina Solar.
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Established in early 2021, California Community Power is a quasi-governmental organization formed out of nine power providers across the Golden State. On Monday, the agency inked a series of deals with geothermal power developers to expand what’s widely considered one of the most promising clean-energy sources for California, which has some of the continent’s best hot-rock resources. XGS Energy, the Houston-based startup promising to build next-generation closed-loop geothermal systems, announced a deal to build 115 megawatts of power in the state. Zanskar, the geothermal company using AI to locate untapped conventional geothermal resources, also signed an agreement with the agency.
Zanskar in particular ranked among the most promising climate-tech startups on the U.S. market in Heatmap’s poll of experts earlier this year. The company last year announced its biggest find yet, Heatmap’s Katie Brigham reported last year. XGS, meanwhile, is drawing support from the nuclear industry, as I previously reported for Heatmap.
The developer behind a major Massachusetts offshore wind farm is suing its turbine manufacturer in a bid to keep the company from backing out of the project. By February, the Vineyard Wind project off Cape Cod had installed 60 of the project’s 62 turbines, as I reported at the time. Yet the parent company behind GE Renewables, the maker of the project’s turbines, said “it would be terminating its contracts for turbine services and maintenance at the end of April,” the Associated Press reported. GE Vernova, the parent company, says Vineyard Wind owes it $300 million already.
The war in Iran is taking a toll on Central African minerals. Miners in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are curbing output of copper and cobalt as the war cuts supplies of sulfuric acid needed for leaching minerals out of rock, Reuters reported. Mine managers are reducing cobalt production to conserve chemicals.