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Washington State voted against gas bans. But was it misled?
The United States is rapidly dividing into two camps: those that are trying to move away from using natural gas in buildings to fight climate change, and those passing “fuel choice” laws that protect consumers’ rights to keep burning it. On election day, Washington State flipped from the former to the latter as voters narrowly approved a ballot measure that overturned some of the most ambitious decarbonization policies in the country.
Now, a coalition of local governments, environmental groups, and public health advocates are challenging that ballot measure in court, arguing that voters didn’t understand what they were signing up for, and thus that the measure violates parts of the Washington State constitution designed to prevent abuse at the ballot box.
“Among its far-reaching impacts,” the opening of the claim filed at the King County Superior Court on Wednesday reads, “the Initiative jeopardizes the ability of local governments and other entities to establish energy-efficiency standards and reduce greenhouse gas emissions; it threatens programs that require the construction of energy efficient buildings; and it would make the clean energy transition chaotic and more expensive for Washingtonians.”
Initiative 2066 was pitched by its sponsor, the Building Industry Association of Washington, as simply a measure to protect consumer access to natural gas, according to Kai Smith, a lawyer from Pacifica Law Group who is representing the plaintiffs. But the text of the measure goes much further, he said, affecting several state laws and codes designed to reduce carbon emissions and regulate air pollution.
“I don’t think voters would have been aware of that broad of an impact when they looked at the ballot title and they heard the campaign messaging,” Smith told me.
Though Washington has long been a leading state for climate policy, it began taking bigger swings at decarbonizing buildings, in particular, in 2022. That year, the state’s building code council enacted energy codes that required newly constructed buildings to be outfitted with all-electric space heating and hot water systems. The council later amended the rules so that they strongly encouraged — but did not necessarily require — electric appliances after a similar policy in Berkeley, California was overturned by a federal court.
Initiative 2066 invalidates those codes. It also repeals key parts of a law the state legislature passed earlier this year that requires Washington’s biggest utility, Puget Sound Energy, to consider alternatives before replacing aging gas infrastructure or building new gas pipelines. The utility would have had to analyze whether electrifying the homes served by that infrastructure instead would ultimately save ratepayers money.
That’s not all: In a more forward-looking section, the initiative bans counties and local governments from passing any local ordinances that “prohibit, penalize, or discourage” the use of gas in buildings. It also adds a new clause to the Clean Air Act barring state officials from doing the same.
The lawsuit was brought by Climate Solutions, a local climate advocacy group, as well as Washington Conservation Action, Front and Centered, the Washington Solar Energy Industries Association, King County, and the City Of Seattle. It alleges that the measure violates the state’s “single subject” and “subject-in-title” rules, which say that an act can only concern one topic and that the ballot title has to fairly and accurately apprise voters of the content of the initiative.
Although all the pieces of Initiative 2066 are related to protecting consumers’ access to natural gas as an energy source, Smith argued that some of the changes it makes are more broad — for example, sticking a clause in the Clean Air Act to protect natural gas use. The Clean Air Act is about pollution regulations, he said. “While those are tied to natural gas, conceptually and legally, I think they are distinct.” The Initiative also struck a provision in Washington law that required the state’s building code council, as it updates energy codes periodically, to work toward a goal of all new construction being “zero fossil-fuel greenhouse gas emission” by 2031. That strike-out would impact the full range of fossil fuels, not just natural gas, Smith said.
Climate policy in Washington is popular. The majority of voters rejected another measure on the ballot which would have repealed the state’s big umbrella climate law that puts a declining cap on emissions. But perhaps some of those voters haven’t yet made the connection that cutting carbon includes the emissions that come from their homes. The natural gas burned in homes and buildings are responsible for 25% of the state’s carbon footprint. Clearly, the “yes on I-2066” campaign’s messaging — summed up as “stop the gas ban” — resonated.
Smith argued that the message was misleading. “That’s not what these laws are,” he said. “It’s to help facilitate movement towards clean energy in a way that’s thoughtful and methodical, and that doesn’t lead to increased costs for customers.”
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A war of attrition is now turning in opponents’ favor.
A solar developer’s defeat in Massachusetts last week reveals just how much stronger project opponents are on the battlefield after the de facto repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act.
Last week, solar developer PureSky pulled five projects under development around the western Massachusetts town of Shutesbury. PureSky’s facilities had been in the works for years and would together represent what the developer has claimed would be one of the state’s largest solar projects thus far. In a statement, the company laid blame on “broader policy and regulatory headwinds,” including the state’s existing renewables incentives not keeping pace with rising costs and “federal policy updates,” which PureSky said were “making it harder to finance projects like those proposed near Shutesbury.”
But tucked in its press release was an admission from the company’s vice president of development Derek Moretz: this was also about the town, which had enacted a bylaw significantly restricting solar development that the company was until recently fighting vigorously in court.
“There are very few areas in the Commonwealth that are feasible to reach its clean energy goals,” Moretz stated. “We respect the Town’s conservation go als, but it is clear that systemic reforms are needed for Massachusetts to source its own energy.”
This stems from a story that probably sounds familiar: after proposing the projects, PureSky began reckoning with a burgeoning opposition campaign centered around nature conservation. Led by a fresh opposition group, Smart Solar Shutesbury, activists successfully pushed the town to drastically curtail development in 2023, pointing to the amount of forest acreage that would potentially be cleared in order to construct the projects. The town had previously not permitted facilities larger than 15 acres, but the fresh change went further, essentially banning battery storage and solar projects in most areas.
When this first happened, the state Attorney General’s office actually had PureSky’s back, challenging the legality of the bylaw that would block construction. And PureSky filed a lawsuit that was, until recently, ongoing with no signs of stopping. But last week, shortly after the Treasury Department unveiled its rules for implementing Trump’s new tax and spending law, which basically repealed the Inflation Reduction Act, PureSky settled with the town and dropped the lawsuit – and the projects went away along with the court fight.
What does this tell us? Well, things out in the country must be getting quite bleak for solar developers in areas with strident and locked-in opposition that could be costly to fight. Where before project developers might have been able to stomach the struggle, money talks – and the dollars are starting to tell executives to lay down their arms.
The picture gets worse on the macro level: On Monday, the Solar Energy Industries Association released a report declaring that federal policy changes brought about by phasing out federal tax incentives would put the U.S. at risk of losing upwards of 55 gigawatts of solar project development by 2030, representing a loss of more than 20 percent of the project pipeline.
But the trade group said most of that total – 44 gigawatts – was linked specifically to the Trump administration’s decision to halt federal permitting for renewable energy facilities, a decision that may impact generation out west but has little-to-know bearing on most large solar projects because those are almost always on private land.
Heatmap Pro can tell us how much is at stake here. To give you a sense of perspective, across the U.S., over 81 gigawatts worth of renewable energy projects are being contested right now, with non-Western states – the Northeast, South and Midwest – making up almost 60% of that potential capacity.
If historical trends hold, you’d expect a staggering 49% of those projects to be canceled. That would be on top of the totals SEIA suggests could be at risk from new Trump permitting policies.
I suspect the rate of cancellations in the face of project opposition will increase. And if this policy landscape is helping activists kill projects in blue states in desperate need of power, like Massachusetts, then the future may be more difficult to swallow than we can imagine at the moment.
And more on the week’s most important conflicts around renewables.
1. Wells County, Indiana – One of the nation’s most at-risk solar projects may now be prompting a full on moratorium.
2. Clark County, Ohio – Another Ohio county has significantly restricted renewable energy development, this time with big political implications.
3. Daviess County, Kentucky – NextEra’s having some problems getting past this county’s setbacks.
4. Columbia County, Georgia – Sometimes the wealthy will just say no to a solar farm.
5. Ottawa County, Michigan – A proposed battery storage facility in the Mitten State looks like it is about to test the state’s new permitting primacy law.
A conversation with Jeff Seidman, a professor at Vassar College.
This week’s conversation is with Jeff Seidman, a professor at Vassar College and an avid Heatmap News reader. Last week Seidman claimed a personal victory: he successfully led an effort to overturn a moratorium on battery storage development in the town of Poughkeepsie in Hudson Valley, New York. After reading a thread about the effort he posted to BlueSky, I reached out to chat about what my readers might learn from his endeavors – and how they could replicate them, should they want to.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
So how did you decide to fight against a battery storage ban? What was your process here?
First of all, I’m not a professional in this area, but I’ve been learning about climate stuff for a long time. I date my education back to when Vox started and I read my first David Roberts column there. But I just happened to hear from someone I know that in the town of Poughkeepsie where I live that a developer made a proposal and local residents who live nearby were up in arms about it. And I heard the town was about to impose a moratorium – this was back in March 2024.
I actually personally know some of the town board members, and we have a Democratic majority who absolutely care about climate change but didn’t particularly know that battery power was important to the energy transition and decarbonizing the grid. So I organized five or six people to go to the town board meeting, wrote a letter, and in that initial board meeting we characterized the reason we were there as being about climate.
There were a lot more people on the other side. They were very angry. So we said do a short moratorium because every day we’re delaying this, peaker plants nearby are spewing SOx and NOx into the air. The status quo has a cost.
But then the other side, they were clearly triggered by the climate stuff and said renewables make the grid more expensive. We’d clearly pressed a button in the culture wars. And then we realized the mistake, because we lost that one.
When you were approaching getting this overturned, what considerations did you make?
After that initial meeting and seeing how those mentions of climate or even renewables had triggered a portion of the board, and the audience, I really course-corrected. I realized we had to make this all about local benefits. So that’s what I tried to do going forward.
Even for people who were climate concerned, it was really clear that what they perceived as a present risk in their neighborhood was way more salient than an abstract thing like contributing to the fight against climate change globally. So even for people potentially on your side, you have to make it about local benefits.
The other thing we did was we called a two-hour forum for the county supervisors and mayor’s association because we realized talking to them in a polarized environment was not a way to have a conversation. I spoke and so did Paul Rogers, a former New York Fire Department lieutenant who is now in fire safety consulting – he sounds like a firefighter and can speak with a credibility that I could never match in front of, for example, local fire chiefs. Winning them over was important. And we took more than an hour of questions.
Stage one was to convince them of why batteries were important. Stage two was to show that a large number of constituents were angry about the moratorium, but that Republicans were putting on a unified front against this – an issue to win votes. So there was a period where Democrats on the Poughkeepsie board were convinced but it was politically difficult for them.
But stage three became helping them do the right thing, even with the risk of there being a political cost.
What would you say to those in other parts of the country who want to do what you did?
If possible, get a zoning law in place before there is any developer with a specific proposal because all of the opposition to this project came from people directly next to the proposed project. Get in there before there’s a specific project site.
Even if you’re in a very blue city, don’t make it primarily about climate. Abstract climate loses to non-abstract perceived risk every time. Make it about local benefits.
To the extent you can, read and educate yourself about what good batteries provide to the grid. There’s a lot of local economic benefits there.
I am trying to put together some of the resources I used into a packet, a tool kit, so that people elsewhere can learn from it and draw from those resources.
Also, the more you know, the better. All those years of reading David Roberts and Heatmap gave me enough knowledge to actually answer questions here. It works especially when you have board members who may be sympathetic but need to be reassured.