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No one is pleased.

An announcement Friday by the Biden administration to extend the nation’s offshore oil leasing program perfectly encapsulates the Catch-22 the president finds himself in over his climate goals. The press release brazenly advertises the drilling expansion plan as “Reflecting America’s Rapid and Accelerating Shift to Clean Energy,” all while reading like someone trying to convince you that they’ve got a gun to their head.
This plan was a long time coming. The Interior Department is responsible for establishing a five-year leasing schedule under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act that will “best” meet the United States' energy needs, and the previous plan is about to expire. Lease sale 261, which was supposed to be held on Wednesday but has been delayed until later this fall, is the last one on the agenda.
The agency could, in theory, issue a schedule with zero lease sales over the next five years. But due to provisions added into the Inflation Reduction Act by West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin, such inaction would prevent the government from being able to open up more of the nation’s coast to offshore wind development. Before the Interior Department can put up any offshore acreage for wind, it has to have put up at least 60 million acres for oil in the previous year, the law says.
So instead of calling it an offshore oil lease plan, the agency is describing it as an offshore wind-enablement plan. The IRA’s handcuffs were referenced roughly four times in the press release, including in the first sentence, which reads, “Consistent with the requirements of the Inflation Reduction Act …” The plan to hold three oil and gas sales in 2025, 2027, and 2029 is the “minimum number” the department could schedule in order to continue the expansion of offshore wind, it said, and “the fewest … in history.” The subheading of the page even calls it a plan that “phases down oil and gas leasing in the Gulf of Mexico,” and the image paired with the announcement on social media featured wind turbines.
There’s nothing factually wrong about any of this. The final plan calls for significantly fewer sales than the 47 initially proposed in 2018 by the Trump administration, and a marked reduction from the 11 proposed by Biden last summer. The plan also restricts drilling to areas in the Gulf of Mexico that are already under development, rather than opening up new areas in Alaska or the Atlantic, as Trump wanted to do. But it does put the U.S. on a path to increased oil production, and at least one analysis asserts that the administration doesn’t even need to hold any more wind lease sales to achieve Biden’s clean energy goals.
It’s unclear who the apologetic tone or desperate image of wind turbines was for. By all accounts, the announcement was a letdown to all sides.
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.