You’re out of free articles.
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
Sign In or Create an Account.
By continuing, you agree to the Terms of Service and acknowledge our Privacy Policy
Welcome to Heatmap
Thank you for registering with Heatmap. Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our lives, a force reshaping our economy, our politics, and our culture. We hope to be your trusted, friendly, and insightful guide to that transformation. Please enjoy your free articles. You can check your profile here .
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Subscribe to get unlimited Access
Hey, you are out of free articles but you are only a few clicks away from full access. Subscribe below and take advantage of our introductory offer.
subscribe to get Unlimited access
Offer for a Heatmap News Unlimited Access subscription; please note that your subscription will renew automatically unless you cancel prior to renewal. Cancellation takes effect at the end of your current billing period. We will let you know in advance of any price changes. Taxes may apply. Offer terms are subject to change.
Create Your Account
Please Enter Your Password
Forgot your password?
Please enter the email address you use for your account so we can send you a link to reset your password:
The former president zeroes in on range anxiety.

Former President Donald Trump spent much of his not-a-debate-for-me speech at a non-union Michigan auto parts company trashing the Biden administration’s economic and climate policy, specifically its support for electric vehicles.
The United Autoworkers strike against the “Big Three” American automakers has split Republicans while Democrats, including President Biden, have largely supported the striking workers. Some Republicans, like Josh Hawley and J.D. Vance, have voiced support for the workers’ demands for higher pay, while others, like Nikki Halley and Tim Scott, both of whom are on stage tonight in California, have criticized the union.
Trump, meanwhile, has consistently used the strike to attack Biden’s climate policy and tonight was no different.
“Biden’s cruel and ridiculous” mandates for electric vehicles, Trump said, “will spell the death of the U.S. auto industry.”
Addressing striking autoworkers directly, Trump said “you’re all on picket lines … it doesn’t make a damn bit of difference what you get, because in two years you’ll all be out of business, you’re not getting anything, what they’re doing to the auto industry in Michigan and throughout the country is absolutely horrible and ridiculous.”
Trump brought this rambling critique around to a point of view that might be shared by more rhetorically constrained conservatives like Hawley and Vance, namely that electrifying the United States automobile fleet will largely benefit China.
“A vote for crooked Joe means the future of the auto industry will be made in China,” he said later in the speech. Biden’s signature piece of legislation, the Inflation Reduction Act, actually offers incentives for domestic manufacturing.
Trump also attacked electric cars specifically, echoing common complaints about a lack of range and the environmental effects of mining for the minerals used to make batteries.
“Those batteries, when they get rid of them, lots of bad things happen. When they’re digging it out of the ground to make those batteries, it’s going to be bad for the environment,” he said.
Trump often mixes support for American fossil fuel extraction with environmental-coded attacks on green energy. Frequent objects of his ire are wind turbines (he loves talking about how they kill birds) and, recently, he has started talking about how offshore wind turbines kill whales.
“Crooked Joe Biden is siding with the left wing crazies who will destroy automobile manufacturing and will destroy our country itself,” he said.
He also repeatedly mentioned electric vehicle range. “[Electric cars] are built specifically for people who want to take very short trips. ‘Darling, let’s drive down to the store and let’s drive back!’ Oh, it’s crazy,” Trump said. He also accused the Biden administration of purposefully raising gas prices to force people into buying electrical vehicles.
While American auto companies hardly see eye-to-eye with the Biden administration on everything, they have dived into electrification, suggesting that Trump’s claims that the American auto industry will die thanks to environmental policy are at least not shared by the industry itself.
So Trump attacked the car industry, saying “I don’t get one thing, I don’t get why … these carmakers are fighting to make cars that are going to sell, cars that are going to long distances.” He said that these carmakers, as well as oil companies that invest in wind energy, are “going against their industry” and are “either stupid or gutless.”
“Why is it that these big powerful car companies with guys making $35 million a year” are making electric vehicles, “when the damn things don’t go far enough and they’re too expensive,” Trump said.
“Why are they all agreeing to this?” Trump said, “why are they not fighting, saying, ‘it doesn’t work.’”
Log in
To continue reading, log in to your account.
Create a Free Account
To unlock more free articles, please create a free account.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.
The administration reinstated previously awarded grants worth up to $1.2 billion total.
The Department of Energy is allowing the Direct Air Capture hub program created by the Biden administration to move forward, according to a list the department submitted to Congress on Wednesday.
The program awarded up to $1.2 billion to two projects — Occidental Petroleum’s South Texas DAC Hub, and Climeworks and Heirloom’s joint Project Cypress in Louisiana — both of which appeared on a list of nearly 2,000 grants that have passed the agency’s previously announced review of Biden-era awards.
This fate was far from certain. The DAC Hubs program originally awarded 21 projects, most of them smaller in scale or earlier in development than the Louisiana and Texas hubs. The DOE terminated 10 of those awards last October. A few days after the news of the cancellations broke, the Louisiana and Texas hubs both appeared on a leaked list of additional projects slated for termination. The companies never received termination letters, however, and now the DOE has notified the developers that the projects will be allowed to proceed.
A spokesperson for Battelle, the lead project developer for Project Cypress, told me the company has been “advised that the DOE project team with oversight of Project Cypress will be contacting us soon to begin the process of moving the project forward.”
Wright has signaled that many of the projects that made it through the review process had to be modified, but it is unclear which ones or how the DAC hubs will be affected. Neither Battelle nor the other companies responded to questions about whether their plans have changed.
The award amount is also up in the air. Originally, each project was awarded about $50 million for early development, with the opportunity to receive up to $600 million each. The spreadsheet of retained projects lists each of the DAC hubs at $50 million, but that may just be the amount that has been obligated so far. The DOE’s budget request for 2027 suggests it could be planning to pay out the full amount: The agency wants to rescind $2.3 billion from the $3.5 billion DAC Hubs program, which, if approved, would still leave $1.2 billion, the amount earmarked for the Project Cypress and South Texas hubs.
In an email, Climeworks spokesperson Tristan Lebleu told me the company “looks forward to engaging with the Department of Energy and our partners on next steps to advance our project in Louisiana."
Vikram Aiyer, the head of policy for Heirloom, said the project has strong support from local leaders, including Louisiana's Congressional Delegation and Governor Jeff Landry. He said the startup looks forward to working with the DOE on “unlocking the appropriated and obligated monies to create high-quality jobs, strengthen domestic supply chains, and pair industrial growth with advanced carbon management and utilization.”
A spokesperson from Occidental declined to comment, advising me to contact the DOE. The DOE has not responded to a request for comment.
While the companies are painting this as positive news, they must now contend with a new challenge: raising private investment for these projects in a very different environment than when the projects were first proposed. Carbon removal purchases are down and investors are not as keen on the industry as they once were.
“This is a step in the right direction but what’s important now is that these projects get built,” Giana Amador, the executive director of the Carbon Removal Alliance, wrote on LinkedIn. “That means steel in the ground, agreements honored, and clarity so our companies can do what they do best: build.”