Sparks
Burgum Doubles Down on Renewables Permitting Freeze
The Secretary of the Interior said he “absolutely” planned to appeal a ruling that lifted blocks on wind and solar approvals.
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The Secretary of the Interior said he “absolutely” planned to appeal a ruling that lifted blocks on wind and solar approvals.
Plus more of the week’s biggest project development fights.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
There was no new investment required from TotalEnergies, according to newly disclosed terms.
New documents add to doubt over President Trump’s deal to buy back the multinational energy company’s U.S. offshore wind leases.
The U.S. and Israel’s war of choice has already destroyed many things, including the president’s domestic energy strategy.
The entire global energy economy has shifted — and yet somehow the administration’s agenda remains exactly the same, just more urgent.
The energy crisis brought about by the Iran War has not changed the Trump administration’s priorities. Officials are still pushing the same litany of pro-fossil fuel policies now as they have since as far back as the 2024 campaign — but it has given them a new sense of verve. With 20% of the world’s oil production and 20% of the liquified natural gas market affected in some way or another by the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, one might think a change of course might be called for. But no — now more than ever, U.S. officials are saying, it’s time for the Trump energy agenda.
Here are a few examples from recent days of U.S. officials using the energy shock to advance Trump-favored policies:
Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum has been acting as an energy project pitchman, promoting a long-discussed LNG project in Alaska that would bring gas from the state’s North Slope some 800 miles to a terminal on its Pacific Coast at Cook Inlet.
The project has been talked about for decades, but its high price (last estimated at around $44 billion — though that was in 2015) and uncertainty about LNG demand have prevented it from getting underway. While the project’s developer, Glenfarne Group, has won preliminary commitments from Asian buyers, it has yet to get final commitments or make a final investment decision.
Burgum has been a cheerleader for Alaska LNG since before the current war with Iran, saying in December that the project “strengthens U.S. energy security, creates jobs for Alaskans, and reinforces our commitment to a permitting system.” When he made a brief stop in Anchorage earlier this month on his way to an energy conference in Tokyo, he used the opportunity to sell Alaska LNG alongside the state’s governor, Mike Dunleavy.
“We have enough energy to be able to sell to our friends and allies so they don’t have to buy from our adversaries or be threatened by our adversaries in terms of their supply chains,” Burgum told reporters, according to the Anchorage Daily News. “So that policy is more important than ever.”
The conference itself had been planned before the war in Iran began. Upon landing there, Burgum told Bloomberg that the “urgency” around investing in and buying U.S. energy “had gone up,” due to the war.
Adam Prestidge, president of Glenfarne’s Alaska LNG project, echoed Burgum at a state legislative hearing on Monday, according to the Daily News.
“The direct impacts of the events in Iran have been a real acceleration and intensification,” Prestidge told legislators. Late last week, Dunleavy called for legislation creating a property tax exemption for the project to ease its path to completion, a sign that it’s gathering steam and may actually, finally come to fruition.
For months, American officials have badgered Europe to revise rules on methane emissions set to go into effect next year, which will require energy importers to demonstrate that the “monitoring, reporting, and verification requirements” for preventing methane emissions in export countries are “equivalent to those applied domestically in the E.U.,” or else face penalties. Late last year, American diplomats told European Union officials that the U.S. should be exempt from the rules and from any penalties for noncompliance, The New York Times reported. Secretary of Energy Chris Wright has argued that the rules would be ineffective and would constitute “regulatory overreach.”
Earlier this week, the American ambassador to the European Union, Andrew Puzder, told Bloomberg that Europe is “going to need to reduce the regulatory requirements and restrictions that it has in place,” adding that “It could be a very severe energy crisis if Europe doesn’t act,” given the conflict in the Gulf.
The Trump administration has also leveraged the energy crisis to keep the E.U. in line on trade, with Puzder telling the Financial Times that the bloc should approve the trade deal negotiated by Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last July lest the E.U. risk losing “favorable” access to liquified natural gas. A key component of the deal was a minimum tariff on European Union goods — part of the set of tariffs that was thrown out by the Supreme Court last month. Trump quickly implemented a temporary global tariff on all imports, however, and the European Parliament voted on Thursday to advance their side of the deal, eliminating many tariffs on U.S. goods.
Wright has also been calling on American oil producers to drill more, a more or less constant mantra from throughout Trump’s political life.
“Prices went up to send signals to everyone that can produce more: ‘Please, produce more,’” Wright said during a speech Monday at the CERAWeek energy conference in Houston. At the same time, he said that “prices have not risen high enough yet to drive meaningful demand destruction,” and pointed to Trump administration efforts to keep prices contained, such as releasing 172 million barrels of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
Burgum was similarly optimistic about oil prices, telling Politico earlier this week that high prices would last “weeks not months.”
So far, there’s little evidence that American oil drillers are substantially overhauling their investment plans. Oil investors still prefer to see “capital discipline,” meaning that the impetus for substantially increased drilling may have to be permanently higher prices — exactly what the Trump administration doesn’t want.
“Capital discipline in key U.S. operators — both oil and gas-focused — is still in place, despite recent uptick in oil prices,” Mizuho analyst Nitin Kumar wrote in a note to clients Wednesday. One executive told the Mizuho analysts that “resource depth, service costs, and cost of capital” are “key barriers to a short-term supply response” from shale drillers. Kumar wrote that “this, in our view, is positive for commodity prices over the longer term, even assuming a deescalation of hostilities in the Middle East.”
On March 10, the U.S. Energy Information Administration bumped up its forecast for American oil production in 2026 by 500,000 barrels per day, to 13.8 million barrels. That same forecast assumed that Brent crude prices would remain above $95 per barrel “over the next two months.”
By far the most effective price intervention since the war began has been Trump’s various indications that it will be over soon. Oil benchmarks fell substantially after Trump announced a five-day moratorium on hitting Iranian energy infrastructure on Monday and as reports of negotiations to possibly end the war emerged, with West Texas Intermediate Crude falling from almost $100 a barrel to around $87 before rising back up to $93. Trump extended his deadline to Iran Thursday for another ten days to April 6.
Trump’s hostility toward renewables is also largely unchanged — just days after the Department of Justice declined to appeal a ruling in favor of an offshore wind project, the administration struck a deal with French energy company TotalEnergies that, in effect, trades an offshore wind lease for investment in natural gas.
“The irony in all of this is it’s driving many, many more countries to look to China for all the different electricity technologies,” Josh Freed, senior vice president for the climate and energy program at Third Way, a center-left think tank, told me. “This is a real own goal by the United States by abandoning domestic development of electricity technology.”
Nor, in a more unstable and uncertain energy world, is the U.S. seeking to become a major exporter of green technology to countries that are looking to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels. The administration has yanked funding from dozens of green industrial projects and overseen a dramatic fall in electric vehicle sales, while battery capacity is being converted for use by data centers.
It’s not even clear where the money is coming from.
President Trump’s Day One moratorium on offshore wind leasing and permitting was vacated by a federal judge in December. Weeks later, the president issued stop-work orders on five offshore wind projects that were under construction, citing unspecified national security concerns, but those orders were also soon rejected one by one by the courts.
Trump’s agreement with TotalEnergies this week to buy back the company’s offshore wind leases appears to represent a new tactic to destroy the industry — by paying it to go away.
Total’s CEO, Patrick Pouyanné told CNBC Tuesday that the company was the “first to open the door” to such a deal, and that he suspects the administration “will do other deals with other companies.” The U.S. has sold roughly 40 leases for offshore wind development since 2012, but only eight wind farms have gotten to the construction phase.
Even if other companies were willing to sell their development rights back to the federal government, however, there’s no reason to believe this strategy is any more legally sound than Trump’s stop work orders or permitting pause.
“In virtually all of the instances so far, they are taking steps that are unlawful and certainly unprecedented,” Elizabeth Klein, who served as director of the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management under President Biden, told me, referring to Trump’s efforts to obstruct offshore wind development. “So I don't think they should be given any benefit of the doubt that what they’re doing here is a lawful approach, or that they have the authorization to do what they are doing.”
Key details about the deal have yet to be disclosed, including under what authority the Department of the Interior has agreed to pay Total and where the money is coming from. Here’s what we know and don’t know about the agreement, and the questions it raises about whether this deal was lawful and whether it can be replicated. Neither TotalEnergies nor the Department of the Interior responded to questions for this story.
According to the Department of the Interior’s press release announcing the deal, Total will invest $928 million — the amount it paid for two offshore wind leases in 2022 — in oil and gas production in the United States. Following those investments, the government will terminate Total’s wind leases and reimburse the company for the $928 million.
But the revenue the Department brought in from the 2022 lease sale is not just sitting in the agency’s coffers waiting to be refunded. It went to the Treasury’s General Fund, Klein, told me. The question, then, is what money is the agency using to reimburse Total?
“Has Interior been appropriated $1 billion to refund Total?” Klein asked. “Is there litigation that we all don't know about, and this is part of a settlement? There's a number of questions about how Interior is authorized to take this action.”
On its face, canceling a lease isn’t so extraordinary. The Secretary of the Interior is allowed to terminate a lease agreement if, say, the leaseholder violates the terms, and leaseholders are also allowed to voluntarily relinquish their leases. But in neither case does the law say they are entitled to their money back.
“There's no regulatory authorization that I am aware of that allows Interior to just refund the amount that a lease cost,” Klein said. She noted that Shell, the oil company, let go of almost all of its oil and gas leases in the Chukchi and Beaufort Seas during Obama’s presidency because it determined it could not economically develop them. The company had spent more than $2 billion on the leases and did not get any of that back.
A straightforward reading of the Interior Department’s press release sounds like the agency is taking revenue from an offshore wind lease sale and using it to subsidize oil and gas investments. That would be violating the U.S. Constitution, which says that “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law.” The Interior cannot just pay out $928 million in lease refunds or oil and gas subsidies to a company without Congress appropriating funds for that purpose.
That does not appear to be what’s happening here, given that Representative Chellie Pingree of Maine, the ranking member on the House Appropriations subcommittee that oversees the Interior Department’s funding, issued a statement saying that she has “serious questions about where this money is coming from.”
That leaves the other possibility Klein raised — a settlement. TotalEnergies does, in fact, describe the deal as a “settlement” in its own press release. During Pouyanné’s CNBC interview, the CEO claimed that after Trump paused permitting for offshore wind projects, Total issued an ultimatum.
“We went to the government: ‘Look, we could either go to litigate with you. I’d hate that. It is not at all our philosophy,’” he said. “‘Or we enter into a deal. The deal is quite simple. We propose to give you back this license. We paid the Treasury $930 million. You give us back the $930 million, and we are ready to commit that we will invest them in U.S. energy.”
If Total did indeed threaten to sue the Interior Department for halting permitting, the agency may have been authorized to pay Total out of the “judgement fund,” an essentially bottomless fund overseen by the Department of Justice intended for agency settlements. Use of the judgement fund requires evidence of litigation or imminent litigation and approvals from the Department of Justice and the Treasury Department. Considering that Attorney General Pam Bondi was quoted on the Interior Department’s press release, this appears to be the most likely source of the funds.
There are problems with this version of the story, too, however. Pouyanné said the company threatened litigation over Trump’s permitting pause, but again, a court tossed out that permitting pause in December. While the administration is appealing the court’s decision, the judgment weakens Total’s claim and raises questions about the Interior Department’s need to settle, let alone for $928 million. The court’s decision also undermines the case for future settlements with other leaseholders.
Tony Irish, a former solicitor in the Interior Department’s Division of General Law, told me that Pouyanné’s story brings to mind a tactic known as “sue and settle.” The term, which has historically been lobbed at environmental groups, describes a situation in which an interest group sues an administration — typically one friendly to its cause — as a way to advance policy goals without public input. Rather than try to dismiss the claim, the administration settles with the group behind closed doors, often agreeing to initiate new rules as a result. More conspiratorial critics of this practice contend that federal agencies have even colluded with outside groups to file such lawsuits.
There’s been more than a decade of debate over whether this perception of “sue and settle” cases is a real phenomenon or not. Nevertheless, Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum vowed to address the issue by increasing transparency of agency settlements. Last summer, he issued an order stating that the department’s settlements would be subject to public disclosure. The order describes the creation of an online “litigation transparency portal” where the agency will post all ongoing and resolved settlement agreements, including finalized agreements.
That website has not yet been created, however. To date, nothing related to the Total settlement, if it is a settlement, has been posted to the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management webpages for the leases or in the Federal Register.
Without having access to that documentation, it’s impossible to scrutinize the circumstances that led the Trump administration to settle for such an exorbitant fee. To Irish, the available evidence is consistent with a misuse of power. “It upends the rule of law for agencies to selectively pay off favored parties negatively impacted by a policy choice by just calling it a legal settlement and using an unlimited account of taxpayer funds,” Irish said.