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In a twist that no one had seen coming, the story of the 2023 U.S. fire season has, thus far, centered on New York.
June 7 was “by far the worst day for wildfire smoke exposure in American history” after a freak weather pattern funneled deadly particulates down from Canada — which is having its most destructive wildfire season ever — and into the populous Northeast Corridor.
Then this Friday, some 3,630 miles away from their better-known eponym, the New York Mountains of southeastern California also went up in flames.
As of Tuesday, the York fire had grown to 96,000 acres with 23% containment, making it the largest U.S. wildfire of the year so far. It is hardly a typical fire, however: Burning through the deserty Mojave National Preserve, the York is feeding off of abundant grasses that sprouted after the winter’s record rains as well as “nitrogen-laden smog wafting in from the Los Angeles area,” the Los Angeles Times reports. But considered alongside the 55 or so other large fires burning across nine Western states right now, the York begins to feel like the harbinger of the 2023 U.S. fire season, which typically begins in July but accelerates from August through October.
To date, the U.S. wildfire season has been relatively mild; only 1.1 million acres have burned in 2023 compared to 5.7 million acres at this same time in 2022, the National Interagency Fire Center reports. (The 2022 season itself is remembered for being “unexpectedly quiet”). There was the Newell Road fire in Washington, which burned 60,551 acres and was recently contained, as well as the Pass Fire in New Mexico in May, which burned over 50,000 acres. But wildfires could soon ramp up: The wet winter and mild early summer that held blazes at bay in the American West also fueled new grasses and vegetation, which have since dried into perfect tinder.
(Though it is tricky to attribute individual wildfires to climate change, evidence suggests that the atmospheric rivers that fueled plant growth this winter produced more rain because of global warming, and a separate report found that this summer’s blistering heat would have been “virtually impossible” without the burning of fossil fuels).
Indeed, “Things are shaping up to be incredibly busy this August,” according to The Hotshot Wakeup, a newsletter by and for wildland firefighters, which points to new fires that have developed in Alaska, the Southwest, the Pacific Northwest, and California. In Washington State, for example, the Eagle Bluff fire, which started on Saturday, has prompted evacuations and burned 15,000 acres in addition to another 3,500 acres across the border in Canada. Other large fires are also burning in Montana — where “bone dry conditions” and “powerful winds” have “kept ground and air firefighting resources busy in recent days,” per Montana Public Radio — as well as in Alaska’s eastern interior.
But it is the York that has authorities on edge. Though forecasts have predicted a low chance of fires in the moister, higher-elevation forests of the Sierra Nevadas this year, the vegetation turning to firestarter in California’s hot lowlands means that places like the Central Valley, coastal southern California, the mountain foothills, and the deserts are all at risk in the coming weeks, The New York Times reports. And while the New York Mountains are remote and absent of much threat to property or human life (beyond the smoke billowing toward Las Vegas), they are covered in old-growth Joshua trees and other rare plants, as well as home to endangered desert tortoises. According to ecologist Laura Cunningham, who spoke with the Los Angeles Times, it will take more than a human lifetime for the landscape to recover from this fire.
Further up the coast, the Northwest Interagency Coordination Center is also warning of the danger of dead vegetation, noting that the Pacific Northwest is experiencing “drier-than-normal” conditions that make it extra susceptible to late summer fires.
If the U.S. has had a reprieve up until now, though, its fire crews haven’t. Since May 8, the U.S. has sent 2,235 firefighters, smokejumpers, rappellers, and fire management personnel to help combat the record-breaking Canadian blazes, including the still-active Donnie Creek fire in British Columbia, the province’s single-biggest wildfire ever. “Resources are already drawing thin,” explains the Hotshot Wakeup, “and the United States is basically running fire suppression for two countries now.” If fire season gets bad in the U.S. in the coming months, tired crews will undoubtedly be fighting our blazes.
Even the other New York might not be spared if fire season takes off. Smoke from Western wildfires has blown as far east as the Midwest, Great Lakes, and Northeastern metropolises before. The York might be a harbinger of the season to come, but for a sun-baked America, the devastation it heralds is tragically old hat.
Read more about wildfires:
It’s Time to Include Smoke In Weather Forecasts
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Today’s conversation is with Chris Moyer of Echo Communications, a D.C.-based communications firm that focuses on defending zero- and low-carbon energy and federal investments in climate action. Moyer, a veteran communications adviser who previously worked on Capitol Hill, has some hot takes as of late about how he believes industry and political leaders have in his view failed to properly rebut attacks on solar and wind energy, in addition to the Inflation Reduction Act. On Tuesday he sent an email blast out to his listserv – which I am on – that boldly declared: “The Wind Industry’s Strategy is Failing.”
Of course after getting that email, it shouldn’t surprise readers of The Fight to hear I had to understand what he meant by that, and share it with all of you. So here goes. The following conversation has been abridged and lightly edited for clarity.
What are you referencing when you say, ‘the wind industry’s strategy is failing’?
Anyone in the climate space, in the clean energy space, the worst thing you can do is go silent and pretend that this is just going to go away. Even if it’s the president and the administration delivering the attacks, I think there’s an important strategy that’s been lacking in the wind and other sectors that I don’t think has been effective. There was a recent E&E News story that noted a couple of wind developers when asked for comment just say, “No comment.” This to me misses a really big opportunity to not get in a fight with people but talk about the benefits of wind.
Not taking advantage of milestones like ground breaking or construction starting is a missed opportunity to drive public opinion. If you lose support in public opinion, you’re going to lose support from public officials, because they largely follow public opinion.
And there’s no way that’s going to change if you don’t take the opportunities to talk about the benefits that wind can provide, in terms of good-paying local jobs or supplying more electrons to the grid. By almost any measure the strategy employed so far has not really worked.
Okay, but what is the wind industry strategy that isn’t working? What are they doing to rebut attacks on the technology, on property values, on the environment?
We’re not hearing them. We’re not hearing those arguments.
You can’t let criticisms go unanswered.It would better serve the industry and these companies to push back against criticisms. It’s not like you can’t anticipate what they are. And what do you have to lose? You’re in the worst position of any energy sector in this political moment. It would be nice to see some fight and sharp campaign skills and strategic effort in terms of communication. And there’s no strategic value from what I can tell in [being silent].
I understand not wanting to pick a fight with folks who hold your fate in their hands, but there’s a way to thread a needle that isn’t antagonizing anybody but also making sure the facts have been heard. And that’s been missing.
You’d specifically said the industry should stop ‘being paralyzed in fear and start going on offense.’ What does that look like to you?
Taking every opportunity to get your message out there. The lowest hanging fruit is when a reporter comes and asks you, What do you think about this criticism? You should definitely reply. It’s lifting up third-party voices that are benefiting from a specific project, talking about the economic impacts more broadly, talking about the benefits to the grid.
There’s a whole number of tools in the toolbox to put to use but the toolboxes remain shut thus far. Targeted paid media, elevating the different voices and communities that are going to resonate with different legislators, and certainly the facts are helpful. Also having materials prepared, like validators and frequently asked questions and answers.
You’re trying to win. You’re trying to get your project to be successful and deliver jobs and tax revenue. And I think it would be wise for companies to look at the playbooks of electoral campaigns, because there’s lots of tools that campaigns use.
How do renewable energy developers get around the problem of partisanship? How do you get outta that through a campaign approach?
These projects are decided locally. It’s deciding who the decision-makers are and not just letting opponents who are getting talking points through right-wing media show up and reiterate these talking points. Oftentimes, there’s no one on the pro side even showing up at all, and it makes it really easy for city councils to oppose projects. They’re losing by forfeit. We can’t keep doing that.
And more on this week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Chautauqua, New York – More rural New York towns are banning renewable energy.
2. Virginia Beach, Virginia – Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind project will learn its fate under the Trump administration by this fall, after a federal judge ruled that the Justice Department must come to a decision on how it’ll handle a court challenge against its permits by September.
3. Bedford County, Pennsylvania – Arena Renewables is trying to thread a needle through development in one of the riskiest Pennsylvania counties for development, with an agriculture-fueled opposition risk score of 89.
4. Knox County, Ohio – The Ohio Power Siting Board has given the green light to Open Road Renewables’ much-watched Frasier Solar project.
5. Clay County, Missouri – We’ll find out next week if rural Missouri can still take it easy on a large solar project.
6. Clark County, Nevada – President Trump’s Bureau of Land Management has pushed back the permitting process for EDF Renewables’ Bonanza solar project by at least two months and possibly longer .
7. Klickitat County, Washington – Washington State has now formally overridden local opposition to Cypress Creek’s Carriger solar project after teeing up the decision in May.
It’s governor versus secretary of state, with the fate of the local clean energy industry hanging in the balance.
I’m seeing signs that the fight over a hydrogen project in Wyoming is fracturing the state’s Republican political leadership over wind energy, threatening to trigger a war over the future of the sector in a historically friendly state for development.
At issue is the Pronghorn Clean Energy hydrogen project, proposed in the small town of Glenrock in rural Converse County, which would receive power from one wind farm nearby and another in neighboring Niobrara County. If completed, Pronghorn is expected to produce “green” hydrogen that would be transported to airports for commercial use in jet fuel. It is backed by a consortium of U.S. and international companies including Acconia and Nordex.
One can guess why investors thought this rural Wyoming expanse would be an easier place to build: it’s an energy community situated in the middle of the Powder River Basin and the state’s Republican governor Mark Gordon has supported wind projects in the state publicly, not just with rhetoric but votes in favor of them on the State Board of Land Commissioners.
Wind is also often proposed on private land in Wyoming, which is supposed to make things easier. You may remember the Lucky Star and Twin Rivers wind farms, a pair of projects whose progress I’ve watched like a hawk because they’re tied to the future of wind permitting at the national level. As we first reported, the Trump administration is proceeding with potentially approving the transmission line for Lucky Star, a project that would be sited entirely on private land, and Twin Rivers received its final environmental review in the last days of the Biden administration, making it difficult for anti-wind advocates to curtail.
Unlike those projects, Pronghorn has created a fork in the road for wind in Wyoming. It’s because the people in its host community don’t seem to want it, the wind projects were on state land, and there’s politics at play.
Despite being considered an energy community, Converse and Niobrara are both areas with especially high opposition risk, according to Heatmap Pro, largely due to its low support for renewable energy, its demographics, and concerns about impacts to the local ranching economy. After Gordon and other members of the state land use board approved two wind facilities for the hydrogen project, a rancher living nearby sued the board with public support from the mayor of Glenrock and the area’s legislators in the statehouse. A member of the Converse County zoning board even published a “manifesto” against the project, detailing local concerns that are myriad and rooted in fears of overburden, ranging from water use and property value woes to a general resentment toward an overall rise in wind turbines across the county and state.
What’s probably most concerning to wind supporters is that this local fight is bubbling up into a statewide political fracture between Gordon and his secretary of state Chuck Gray, who is believed to be a future candidate for governor. Grey was the lone dissenting vote against the two wind projects for Pronghorn, saying he did not support the projects because they would be assisted by federal tax credits Trump is trying to gut. Gray then took to mocking the governor on social media for his stance on wind while posting photos of broken wind turbines. Gordon wound up responding to his secretary of state accusing him of being the “only member of the state land board to vote against individual property rights and Wyoming schools.”
“That is his prerogative to be sure, but it demonstrates his disregard for the duties of his office and a determination to impose his personal preferences on others, no matter the cost,” Gordon stated.
I’ve been reaching out to Pronghorn and its founder Paul Martin to try and chat about what’s happening in Wyoming. I haven’t heard back, and if I do I’ll gladly follow this story up, but there’s a sign here of an issue in Wyoming whether Pronghorn gets built or not – areas of Wyoming may be on the verge of a breaking point on wind energy.
I heard about the Pronghorn project in conversations this week with folks who work on wind permitting issues in Wyoming and learned that the Gordon-Gray feud is emblematic of how the wind industry’s growth in the state is making local officials more wary of greenlighting projects. Whether Gordon’s position on private property wins out over Gray taking up the mantle of the anti-wind conservative critic may be the touchstone for the future of local planning decisions, too.
At least, that’s the sense I got talking to Sue Jones, a commissioner in Carbon County, directly southwest of Converse County. Jones admits she personally doesn’t care for wind farms and that it’s “no secret with the county, or the developers.” But so far, she hasn’t voted that way as a commissioner.
“If they meet all our rules and regs, then I’ve voted to give them a permit,” she told me. “You can’t just say no to anything. It’s a good thing that we value private property rights.”
Jones said the problem in Carbon County and other areas of Wyoming is “saturation level.” Areas of the state where only a handful of landowners hold thousands of acres? That’s probably fine for wind projects because there’s a low likelihood of a neighbor or two having a genuine grievance. But as wind has grown into population-denser areas of the state the dissent is becoming more frequent.
My gut feeling is that, as we’ve seen in many other instances, this resentment will bubble up and manifest as sweeping reform – unless the wind industry is able to properly address these growing concerns head on.