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A new study found that majority Black neighborhoods faced higher solar costs.

Higher-income people are more likely to have solar panels on their roofs. This fact has underlined the nature of home solar adoption and is responsible for any number of state, local, and now federal programs to give lower-income people access to solar power, either through subsidizing their own solar panels or letting them “subscribe” to solar power generated elsewhere.
While this seems like an obviously sensible solution — the upfront cost of solar can be around $15,000 to $20,000, and you typically need to own a single family home to get it — it’s not quite as simple as those with more money are more likely to get solar. When the University of Texas economist Jackson Dorsey and Derek Wolfson looked at data provide by the solar marketplace EnergySage, they found that, yes, those with higher incomes are more likely to buy solar — but also that what solar installers offered them and what they paid for it varied depending on the demographics of the surrounding area.
“Econ 101, there’s usually two possible reasons why you might have lower quantities in a market. One would be demand is lower, and the other would be supply is lower,” Dorsey told me when I asked what had motivated his research. While the data about high-income demand for energy transition products like solar panels or electric vehicles is plentiful, there had been less attention paid to supply-side reasons for the disparities.
Dorsey and Wolfson looked at hundreds of thousands of bids for solar installation placed in EnergySage’s 15 largest markets, including much of urban California, New York City, Washington, D.C. and metro areas in Florida, where prospective solar buyers are able to pick among bids from installers. Unsurprisingly, lower-income buyers were less likely to purchase home solar, received fewer bids overall, and, because they were likely seeking smaller systems, paid more per watt than wealthier buyers. (The researchers were able to match data from EnergySage with census data to extract demographic information about potential customers along with their location.)
What did stand out, however, is that Black households in particular got fewer bids and paid notably higher prices, a disparity that could not be explained entirely by differences in income. Low-income households were more likely to be in an area with a lower cost of living, and therefore didn’t necessarily face higher overall project costs because prices for everything tended to be lower.
Black households, on the other hand, received fewer bids and then face higher prices. “If you look at Black vs. white households, Black households get about 8% higher prices,” Dorsey told me. “On a $20,000 system, that would be $1,600.”
The reason, he determined, is not so much that installers don’t want to serve people they know are Black. It’s that they don’t want to serve neighborhoods they know are majority Black.
Dorsey put the difference down to “some kind of perceived higher cost of doing business.” Part of it could be explained by installers setting up shop in areas where they think they’ll find higher demand for their services — high-income ones — and so Black neighborhoods, which are more likely to be low-income, may be literally farther away and more expensive to serve. According to the data Dorsey and Wolfson collected, there are three installers within 10 miles of white households on average, compared to two installers on average for Black households.
There could also, Dorsey said, “be some implicit preference that they don’t want to go to those neighborhoods.” In the paper, Dorsey and Wolfson write that “some sellers may prefer to serve certain households or neighborhoods either because of intolerant views, crime rates, or other variables correlated with household demographic characteristics.”
While the study didn’t get into remediation, fixing the income side of things should be fairly straightforward, Dorsey told me. “Just making prices lower or financing terms more comparable [to high income households] should be fairly effective,” he said.
The sociogeographic side of things will be trickier to address. “That might suggest a supply side policy might be effective,” Dorsey said, “like giving installers incentives to locate in or serve communities that are getting fewer bids and facing higher prices.”
Policymakers and solar advocates are very aware of the income and race disparities in solar adoptions and have come up with a slew of policies to try and narrow them. California, which has long been the epicenter of rooftop solar (with the most attendant controversy over how its incentives are designed), has a program that subsidizes low-income households that want to install solar and incentives for affordable multifamily buildings to install solar.
The Environmental Protection Agency’s $7 billion Solar For All program also supports states, tribes, and non-profits with programs to reach low-income households. “The program will help unlock new markets for residential solar in areas that have never seen this kind of investment before,” an EPA spokesperson told Heatmap in an emailed statement. “Much of the program will fund solar projects to benefit multi-family and affordable housing, as well as community solar projects, bringing the benefits of clean energy to households that may not have had access to it before.”
Another favored solution for getting solar access to those who wouldn’t otherwise have it is community solar, where households “subscribe” to small-scale solar installations and then get credits on their utility bill as if they had physically installed solar in their homes.
The share of community solar capacity that serves low-to-moderate income consumers has grown from 2% in 2022 to 12% this year, according to data from Wood Mackenzie and the Coalition for Community Solar Access, and they project it will continue to grow to 25% in 2025.
The Inflation Reduction Act also includes an “adder” for community solar projects that serve lower income consumers that boosts existing subsidies by 10 to 20 percentage points. These community solar projects are “already seeing impact and projects on the ground,” Molly Knoll, vice president of policy for CCSA, told me.
EnergySage’s chief executive, Charlie Hadlow, said in a statement that the company is “working diligently to ensure every eligible shopper gets three to seven quotes on our platform,” and that “we welcome more installers to sign up on our platform and are actively seeking them out, with a deliberate focus on underserved areas.” He said consumers typically save 20% using EnergySage compared to what they might get on their own, and that the company also has a marketplace for community solar.
All that said, Dorsey is skeptical that “installing panels at individual rooftop” is even the best way to decarbonize. "If you want to cost-effectively reduce emissions, it’s not clear to me rooftop solar is the way to do it as opposed to utility-scale or community solar,” he said.
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Representative Mike Levin, It’s Electric, Rivian, and more showed up for the mobility session at Heatmap House.
On the surface, the climate case for electric vehicles is simple: Battery-powered cars can eliminate our need to burn dirty gasoline and diesel, and as more renewables come onto the grid will only run more and more cleanly. But the benefits that can be gained from electrifying the vehicle fleet run far deeper, a case that a variety of speakers made at Heatmap House on Wednesday as part of New York Climate Week.
Andrew Peterman, director of advanced energy solutions at the EV maker Rivian, explained how electric vehicles are becoming a multi-tiered grid solution. Rivian itself is cooperating with drivers and utilities to create automatic smart charging so that EVs can charge when energy is abundant and inexpensive, saving the user money — in some cases as much as $1,000 per year — and easing strain on the grid. Doing so helps to keep electricity prices down, which is good for the country and for the bottom line of an electric vehicle maker.
“Our ability to sell and give people value out of an electric vehicle can only be enabled if we transform the grid to be able to be affordable, reliable, and cleaner for everyone,” Peterman told Heatmap deputy editor Jillian Goodman. “We need to use our role in the energy system to enable customers to get more value out of the grid. So everything we do is about grid transformation to enable electric vehicles to have an even stronger and stronger value proposition. When we bring down electricity costs, that brings down the total cost of ownership for our vehicle owners.”
Of course, energy can go in the other direction, too. Now that millions of EVs are on the road, the multitude of kilowatt-hours stored in EV batteries can be a grid asset. That goes for vehicle-to-grid integration, where EVs can discharge energy to help balance the grid when they’re not driving. But it’s an especially compelling proposition when those batteries get older and are no longer optimal for powering vehicles. Rivian is working with partners such as Redwood Materials to recycle old EV batteries and to repurpose some as grid storage. The same is true at Waymo, whose fleet of autonomous, only-electric rideshare vehicles have racked up hundreds of thousands of miles in some cases.
“Our fleets are sometimes outlasting our batteries where they still work, but they’re just not optimal for the ride-hailing fleet,” Waymo head of environment and sustainability Adam Lenz told Nico Lauricella, Heatmap’s CEO and editor in chief. “So we’re taking those batteries out, refreshing them, and then there’s still a lot of life left on this battery. We’re working with a partner that’s based out of L.A. County where we provide service and they’re deploying those batteries to support front of the meter grid storage.” (Waymo is also a sponsor of Heatmap House.)
It’s clear that the rideshare economy will be dominated by electric vehicles, and Lenz argued that this fact helps extend the climate benefits of electrification and autonomy to people who don’t want to drive or have been priced out by the upfront costs of an EV. The promise that self-driving cars will ultimately be much safer compared to those driven by fallible humans makes it safer to walk or bike, the most sustainable transportation methods. Waymo recently introduced a partnership with Visa to give San Francisco Bay Area riders a $2.85 Waymo account credit (the price of a bus ride in S.F.) when they combine a rideshare trip with a train or bus linkup to create a mulit-modal journey — a roundabout way to create “free” buses.
Across the country, EV charging could help give New York City not only cleaner skies but also improved grid management. The city’s Green Ride Initiative is meant to have New York’s taxi and rideshare trips be majority-electric by 2030, yet NYC has been a charging desert compared to other dense cities like London. Tiya Gordon, co-founder and COO of charging company it’s electric, came to Heatmap House to discuss her company’s recent win of a contract to install 700 new street chargers in New York, which has only 88 today.
It’s not just how many chargers are going in, she said, but where — the majority will go into neighborhoods in Brooklyn and Queens where rideshare drivers live and park their cars overnight. Albert Gore, executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association, added: “It makes a lot of sense also when you think about the impact to the grid. If you are directing a lot of that charging at night, particularly for these high mileage use cases, that actually puts downward pressure on electricity rates. EVs are a very, very flexible load.”
“We will not cease exports of U.S. diesel,” the Secretary of Energy told us at Heatmap House.
Secretary of Energy Chris Wright threw cold water on a potential diesel export ban, telling Heatmap executive editor Robinson Meyer that the president “didn’t endorse it.”
“We are open to any ideas to lower energy prices for Americans,” Wright said at our Heatmap House event at New York Climate Week. “We have a continual, thoughtful dialog based on the facts on the ground of what are the most practical steps moving forward, and it looks like right now we do need to grow the diesel supply in the United States.”
There could be some adjustments to the diesel industry, Wright told Rob, saying there may “be some tweak in where diesel flows out of U.S. refineries.” About a full-scale ban, however, he was unequivocal. “We will not cease exports of U.S. diesel.”
That stands in contrast to President Trump’s remarks Tuesday, when he told reporters, “I’ve said, ‘Let’s not send out the diesel.’ I’ve called for it. I’ve called for it within my people.” Politico reported Wednesday afternoon that the administration is “preparing” a 90-day export ban.
When asked if a diesel export ban would hurt America’s reputation as an energy superpower, Wright told Heatmap, “It certainly would have impacts.” But, he added, “I don’t think there’s serious consideration, although there’s always been a dialogue. I don’t think you will see a blanket ban on diesel. And yes, of course, we want to be the energy superpower supplying the whole world.”
Some Republicans in Congress have called for a diesel export ban, including Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley, who represents agriculture-heavy Iowa. High diesel prices impose a particularly large cost on two groups: farmers and New Englanders. Farmers need diesel to fuel equipment to harvest crops and trucks to move their goods, while millions of New Englanders rely on heating oil — which is virtually interchangeable with diesel — to heat their homes in the winter. Bills for heating oil may exceed $2,000 this winter, according to Mark Wolfe, the executive director of the National Energy Assistance Directors Association
Diesel prices today are sitting at just over $6.50 per gallon, according to AAA, up from $3.69 a year ago and $5.60 just a month ago.
The former vice president joined us at Heatmap House at New York Climate Week to talk about electric vehicles, artificial intelligence, and why clean energy will ultimately win.
In front of a packed room at Heatmap House on Wednesday morning, former Vice President Al Gore made the case for optimism on climate change.
“There is a possibility we will look back on this year of 2026 as the positive tipping point on climate,” he said.
He started with some high water marks in renewable energy and electric vehicles. Last year was the first year that the production of energy from renewable sources exceeded the overall increase in global energy demand, for example. Whereas 20 years ago, when Gore’s landmark climate change film An Inconvenient Truth premiered, there were virtually no electric vehicles on the road, by the end of this year about 30% of all new cars sold globally will be EVs.
On top of that, he later added, “the war in Iran marks the second time in four years that the fossil fuel supply chain has been disrupted, and price volatility has returned, and people around the world have reacted to this and in a really dramatic way.” Just in the past six months, EV sales reached record levels in 50 countries; Korea’s president committed to speed its transition off fossil fuels; Thailand announced a shift from liquified natural gas to renewables; and solar is booming in Africa.
“These are signs that this thing is really moving into high gear,” he said. “The fossil fuel industry is losing, they know they’re losing, and they’re trying to slow down how quickly they lose.”
Gore was also surprisingly hopeful about artificial intelligence, arguing that data centers were a cause for concern but “not a justification for panic.” He’s not convinced that the carbon emissions from powering artificial intelligence will have a decisive impact on our climate trajectory, and is far more worried about “cognitive atrophy and the emergence of an intelligence that makes us no longer the apex intelligence on the planet.”
The conversation with Gore followed an interview with one of his climate champion descendents, so to speak. Mikie Sherrill, the governor of New Jersey, showed off her energy bona fides in a conversation about her approach to affordability and data centers. She talked up her administration’s swift approvals of solar and battery projects to ensure they made the deadline for federal tax credits, lifting the state’s moratorium on nuclear, and implementation of virtual power plants.
“There is a crisis going on, so you cannot simply say to people, ‘Sorry, your bills are just going to keep skyrocketing,’” she said. “That is not the answer, which is why we’ve acted so aggressively.”
Sherrill also criticized data center developers for the way they have frequently come into the state without engaging with communities. “I told a data center, I said, ‘You guys have been horrible at it. I’m just telling you, nobody knows what a data center is, and you need to explain why it's even important. Are you curing cancer? What are you doing? Why is this a societal benefit?’”
She encouraged future Democratic candidates for public office to make sure they have a deep understanding of the specific energy circumstances of their state, and to speak to that on the campaign trail. “The can has been kicked down the road on too many different issues, and if you were going to try to duck your head and say some mealy-mouthed thing like, ‘We’re going to do all of the above’ and ‘Everyone's welcome and we like business,’ that’s not going to cut it.”