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The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and destruction of Gulf fossil fuel assets is already having effects we’ll be dealing with in months and years to come.

No matter how much longer the United States and Israel’s war with Iran lasts, the world’s energy system will be grappling with its consequences at least through the end of the year, if not for far longer.
The biggest short-run effects of the Iran energy crisis will be felt in Asia, where economies that run on Persian Gulf oil and gas face shortages and higher prices. The supply shock has — and will — drive up prices, leading oil and gas producers who aren’t stuck behind the Strait of Hormuz to seek higher returns. Much of the continent is already in the midst of an energy crisis, complete with fuel rationing and top-down policies to reduce oil and gas consumption.
In Australia, gas stations are running out of diesel. The government of the Philippines adopted a four-day workweek to reduce commuting. Pakistan announced a two-week school closure. Nepal is rationing cooking fuel. Thailand’s prime minister told civil servants to take the stairs, and the government set air conditioning to a minimum 79 degrees Fahrenheit.
Around the world, coal use is rising. Gasoline prices are on the way up, even in the United States, which is a net exporter of crude oil and petroleum products. Even if the war were to end tomorrow, oil and gas markets are likely to remain tight for many months to come.
Just as the oil shocks of the 1970s transformed the economies of the then-rich world — spurring the takeoff of nuclear power to in Japan and France; pushing the U.S. to direct R&D funding and subsidies to solar and shale gas; motivating carmakers around the world to developer smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles — so too will this crisis likely transform how the entire world structures its dependence on oil and gas. It maybe already has.
Let’s take an industry-by-industry look:
The year began with a global oil glut. That has long since vanished. No matter what happens in Iran over the near to medium term, expect the oil market to remain tight.
Before hostilities with Iran ramped up, the consensus was that the market was “oversupplied,” Greg Brew, an analyst at the Eurasia Group, told me. “Demand growth was expected to be fairly sluggish. Production from OPEC states and the U.S. was expected to be fairly high, and prices were going to be in the $60s and potentially $50s [per barrel]. Obviously that is now completely out the door.”
Both Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley analysts speculated that the Brent crude benchmark could hit or even exceed its 2022 high of around $122 a barrel. It might even break through its all-time high of around $150, reached in 2008, should the closure persist.
Even if the strait were to reopen tomorrow, it would leave a large “air pocket” in the oil market, Morgan Stanley oil analyst Martijn Rats wrote in a note to clients last week, referring to oil that will never come to market because of shut-in production. That would keep prices high through the second and third quarters of the year as supply catches up to demand.
Oil analyst and author of the Commodity Context newsletter Rory Johnston estimated that the size of this “air pocket” is in the hundreds of millions of barrels. “Inventory will start dropping like a rock” over the coming weeks, he told me, “even if we could snap fingers and just go back to where we were two, three weeks ago.”
That squares with what Brew told me, as well. “Even when Hormuz reopens, the price band through the rest of the year is unlikely to fall below $75 a barrel, given the size of the physical disruption that we’re experiencing,” he said. A barrel of oil cost around $60 at the end of last year, before the price began to creep up as the U.S. gathered forces around Iran.
There will likely still be a “sustained risk premium” for any tanker leaving the strait as long as the current Iranian regime remains in power, Brew said. “The most likely outcome from this war is one where Iran is weakened but has not collapsed — where it retains the capabilities to threaten traffic through the strait and to threaten [Gulf Cooperation Council] states.”
A supply squeeze that could have resolved quickly once the Strait of Hormuz reopened and Qatar’s Ras Laffan facility got up and running again turned into a years-long interruption when Iran knocked out 17% of Qatar’s liquified natural gas export capacity, taking out almost 13 million tons per year of gas production, according to Morgan Stanley. As recently as a month ago, Qatar supplied about a fifth of global LNG capacity. The damage will likely take several years to fix, the chief executive of QatarEnergy told Reuters.
“What started as a transitory (but significant) capacity outage has escalated to a multi-year loss of supply,” Morgan Stanley analysts wrote in a note to clients Thursday. “Even with near-term resolution, the global gas market will need to contend with refilling inventories amid a large supply loss, creating upside price risks.”
European and East Asian LNG importers will likely choose to pay the higher prices. Poorer countries in South and Southeast Asia, however, may have to go without.
“There is now no longer going to be an LNG glut in 2026. There’s going to be a tight gas market,” Brew told me. “That’s going to keep regional prices high. That’s going to keep European prices high. That’s going to keep Asian prices high. That’s going to mean emerging markets in South Asia and Southeast Asia that would otherwise be able to buy LNG cargoes are going to have a tougher time.”
Much of the rationing of electricity or the shutdown of fertilizer plants in South and Southeast Asia was already happening before this week’s catastrophic attacks, the result of Qatar cutting off production due to earlier strikes.
No matter how long the war lasts, European and Asian gas buyers will have to refill their gas reserves before winter sets in again, which will further strain an already tight market. The Morgan Stanley analysts said prices are more likely to go up than down through the rest of the year even if there’s deescalation soon.
Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients Wednesday that “even if the disruption proves temporary, LNG’s perceived risk profile has likely shifted structurally.”
“The conflict has underscored how concentrated global LNG supply remains around a narrow choke-point. That realization alone may embed a higher risk premium in LNG pricing,” he wrote. “Over time, higher prices could slow demand growth among some price-sensitive buyers and alter how buyers assess long-term LNG investment decisions.”
Just like in 2022, countries that suddenly find themselves short on natural gas will almost certainly turn to coal. “My sense is that this is going to be great for coal as 2022 was,” Brew said, referring to the uptick in coal usage following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which cut off a major source of natural gas supply for Europe.
In both Europe and Asia, the “coal equivalent” price of gas has shot up, meaning that natural gas is now much more expensive on a dollars-per-unit-of-energy basis. This will incentivize switching to dual use gas and coal plants, or else bringing under-utilized coal-burning power plants into service, especially in Asia.
South Korea said earlier this week that its nuclear and coal power plants could raise their output in light of reduced LNG availability. South Korea is heavily dependent on both fossil fuels and imported energy — 84% of its energy supply is imported on net; almost 80% of its energy supplies are fossil fuels, and about 15% of its LNG imports come from Qatar.
The energy consulting firm Wood Mackenzie estimated that coal-fired power plants in Japan and South Korea could offset 70% and more than 100% of their gas-fired generation, respectively. But, Wood Mackeznie noted, that’s only in the current “shoulder season,” when mild weather means less electricity demand. “If disruptions persist into peak summer demand, the effectiveness of coal as a buffer will diminish, increasing exposure to tighter supply conditions.”
In Europe, which invested heavily in renewables and gas imports (largely from Norway and the United States) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, coal’s cost favorability to natural gas is improving, but overall demand has been falling as days get longer and warmer. In Germany, coal’s share of electricity generation rose 2% in March compared to February.
There are already anecdotal reports of enthusiasm for renewables picking up in light of the fossil fuel supply shock. Bloomberg reported that electric vehicle showrooms are filing up across Asia with interested buyers looking to avoid expensive and sometimes rationed fuel.
Oil demand, particularly in Asia, “will be lower than it was before the war in terms of the expectation,” Johnston said. “There is no possibility, in my mind, that we do not see an enhanced drive toward energy efficiency, electrification, and other forms of diversification. It’s just the obvious outcome of this.” He said the amount of vulnerability Asia has to oil and natural gas is “existential” and “not tolerable.”
“Energy security and affordability is a much more compelling political argument” for a transition to clean energy than moral arguments about preventing future climate change, he added.
The same could be true for natural gas, especially LNG. The “next leg” for LNG growth globally, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, was supposed to be “price-sensitive demand in South/Southeast Asia.” That growth could be put at risk by “sustained higher prices” that induce “demand destruction, fuel switching (notably coal), delayed downstream infrastructure investment, or possibly ‘skipping’ LNG as a transition fuel in favor of renewables.”
In a note sent to clients Friday, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, “We see a constructive demand tailwind for U.S. clean energy peers beyond 2026,” due to “the multi‑year energy challenges implied by the escalation” of attacks on energy infrastructure in the Persian Gulf.
Even in the United States, which is more insulated from some of the worst shocks (we’re not going to run out of natural gas anytime soon), now may be a good time to “be stepping back and thinking a little bit more holistically about how we’re structuring our energy policy and our energy systems,” Francis O’Sullivan, managing director at S2G Investments, told me.
“We need to take a more all-of-the-above type approach to our energy system and our energy policymaking than is currently the case.”
There are ever-so-slight signs of a thaw toward renewables and in favor of an all-of-the-above strategy in the U.S. The federal government late last week declined to appeal a federal court ruling in favor of offshore wind developers who sued the Department of the Interior over its stop work orders. Senate Democrats have said they’re once again open to a deal with Congressional Republicans and the White House to ease permitting for all types of energy projects.
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Republican Mike Braun loves data centers but hates electricity price increases.
Elected officials — especially in executive positions like governor, mayor, or, say, president — tend to support economic development writ large, looking to bring jobs to their constituents and expand the tax base. By that same token, they also tend to be quite sensitive to rising costs — especially utility bills, for which voters tend to hold state governments accountable, per Heatmap polling.
That puts governors — especially Republican governors, who are often more friendly to business and more likely to buy into arguments proffered by the White House about national security and economic competitiveness — in a tricky position as both the data center buildout and opposition to it gain momentum across the United States. No one embodies the dilemma more than Indiana’s Governor Mike Braun, who has positioned himself as a champion of data centers while also going on the rhetorical warpath against the utility AES Indiana and the Indiana Utility Regulatory Commission.
His latest barrage against Indiana’s electricity ratemaking process started in mid-June, when the utility commission approved a rate case from AES Indiana granting the utility a $71 million revenue increase across two phases, the first beginning in July, each of which will raise monthly bills by “less than $5 per month,” according to the company. AES had originally asked for a $190 million increase, but thanks in part to intervention from Indiana’s Office of Utility Consumer Counselor, a public advocate in utility rate hearings, it was eventually whittled down.
The utility commission handed down its decision on June 17. Later that same day, Braun issued a blast against AES and the IURC, saying in a statement that “my top priority is affordability, which is why I am deeply disappointed by the IURC’s approval of another AES rate increase. Hoosiers have spent years tightening their belts and making tough financial decisions. It’s time for utility companies to do the same.” The next day he was back with another fire-breathing statement: “Yesterday’s decision by the IURC to allow another rate increase by AES is unacceptable,” he said, and called for a rehearing of the rate case.
The regulator is in the midst of an “investigative inquiry on energy affordability” launched earlier this year that has required the state’s five large investor-owned utilities to make presentations on their ratemaking. “We’ve heard the concerns about the burden utility bills have on families and businesses across the state, and we are committed to evaluating short- and long-term solutions related to affordability,” then-Chair Andy Zay said in a news release in February announcing the investigation.
Braun, apparently, wasn’t convinced. By Monday, June 22, he’d removed Andy Zay as chairman of the IURC, and installed Commissioner Anthony Swinger to lead the regulator. “Affordability is my top priority,” he reiterated in a post on X, “and I am confident Chairman Swinger will deliver on that priority for Hoosiers.”
When asked about this past month’s events, AES Indiana said that it “respects the independence of the regulatory process and works constructively with all stakeholders. We remain focused on executing under the final approved order and delivering for our customers,” a spokesperson told me. Neither Braun’s office nor the IURC responded to my requests for comment.
The rhetoric was not particularly new for Braun. Last fall, for instance, he declared of utility rate hikes, “we can’t take it anymore,” and ordered the state’s utility consumer advocate “to evaluate utilities’ profits and find cost-saving measures to ease the financial burden on Hoosiers.” That said, his swift actions of late surprised some outside observers. “While Gov. Braun has made utility affordability a priority, the abrupt leadership change at the IURC is nonetheless surprising,” Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients. “We perceive a cautionary tone for Indiana regulation; future orders will likely be more visibly defensible on affordability.”
Indiana sits at the transmission-rich crossroads between the Midwest and East Coast and has long been governed by business-friendly Republicans, and thus has thus become a locus of data center construction — and backlash. Twenty-one out of 92 counties in the state have enacted some sort of pause or ban on data center construction, according to Heatmap Pro data. Earlier this year, the Indianapolis City Council passed a resolution calling for a pause on approvals for data centers. When the White House earlier this year got large technology companies to commit to the Ratepayer Protection Pledge, in which they agreed to fund any additional grid costs incurred by their data centers, it was arguably following in the footsteps of Indiana, which negotiated a large load tariff last year meant to shield customers of Indiana Michigan Power, a subsidiarity of AEP, from data center-related costs.
Braun’s position in Indiana also mirrors the ideological divide in Washington — Braun supports data center development while demanding that utilities figure out a way to spare ratepayers. Advocates to his left, both at the state and federal level support a pause on all data center construction. André Carson, one of two Democrats representing Indiana in the House of Representatives, introduced a bill that would enact a nationwide data center moratorium alongside Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders.
Citizens Action Coalition’s Ben Inskeep has attributed the price hikes over years to coziness between regulators and utilities in the r and tend to favor a moratorium or pause on data center development to develop consumer protections. (For what it’s worth, most Americans seem to prefer the leftward road.) .
Indiana’s typical household electricity bills have indeed risen in the past couple of years, from about $113 per month two years ago to $120 per month as of May, while prices have risen 19%, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub. Prices are up 12% in the past year, according to the Heatmap-MIT data, while the electricity prices nationwide have risen 6%.
Attributing rate hikes to data centers is a notoriously tricky exercise, however, and researchers have generally found that in most states, it’s hard to discern an exact connection. When pressed, Indiana utilities have claimed that higher prices are necessary to fund improvements for reliability or cold weather. Some critics of Indiana utilities, like Citizens Action Coalition Ben Inskeep, attribute years of rate hikes to coziness between the state legislature and utilities and the gradual weakening of regulators who could push back against hikes. Citizens Action has called for a moratorium on data centers in the state.
In spite of his harsh words against utilities, Braun has generally supported data centers as part of an overall economic development strategy, appearing at the groundbreaking for a $10 billion Meta data center project in Lebanon, Indiana, earlier this year. “In Indiana, it’s clear we’re a very easy state to do business in, but the communities are going to have to approve it,” he said on Fox Business earlier this month, setting himself up as a champion of local communities and ratepayers. “In Indiana, if you’re coming in, you’re paying for all of the construction and the generation of electricity, and you’re going to put more electrons onto the grid, taking prices down,” he said.
Braun’s consumer-and-conservation-minded critics have taken aim at this exact claim in pushing for a pause on development.
“We are one of the three or four Ground Zero states for data center development. We’re extremely attractive to data centers,” Kerwin Olson, executive director of Citizens Action Coalition, told me. “That happened at the same time as bills skyrocketing.”
Olson pointed out that Indiana’s data center boom has come at the tail end of a series of controversial economic developments, including a proposed hydrogen hub, carbon capture and storage projects, and a proposed water pipeline. “Here comes Amazon, here comes Meta, Google, and all hell just broke loose,” Olson said.
Referring to Braun, Olson said, “We don’t doubt his sincerity about his concern about affordability. We disagree with him on these solutions that need to happen.”
Current conditions: Temperatures in Washington, D.C., are set to top 90 degrees Fahrenheit before approaching triple digits by mid week • In Taipei, temperatures north of 90 degrees are giving way to thunderstorms all afternoon • June’s “strawberry moon,” as the first full moon of the strawberry-picking season is known, rose last night.
The Department of the Interior has struck a deal with Duke Energy to pay the utility $129 million in exchange for abandoning a lease for an offshore wind project in federal waters off North Carolina. In a statement Monday, Duke’s chief executive in the Carolinas, Kodwo Ghartey-Tagoe, said the company would reinvest nearly all the money the federal government refunded into new generating capacity, “which may include advancing new nuclear and natural gas generation, and grid enhancements to strengthen reliability.” The announcement came less than two weeks after the Trump administration unveiled a $765 million deal with Invenergy to quash four proposed offshore wind sites, as Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo reported.
The Supreme Court on Monday ruled that the White House has the power to fire commissioners at independent agencies without showing cause, overturning a nearly century-old precedent and granting President Donald Trump new powers over the federal regulatory state. That, as Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin wrote yesterday, directly overhauls the historical separation of powers at the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, whose members the president appointed but whose culture of not answering to the White House directly created the appearance of being above short-term political concerns. “Agencies like FERC tend not to be as explicitly politicized or partisan as, say, the Environmental Protection Agency, which is led by a single administrator who serves at the pleasure of the president, or the National Labor Relations Board or Federal Election Commission, which oversee areas of law and policy with stark partisan and ideological stakes,” Matthew wrote. “This is partly because FERC justifies decisions on electricity and natural gas policy with reference to ‘technical expertise.’” In the near term, that won’t mean much since the current leadership of FERC and the NRC are closely aligned with the Trump administration. But in an era of eroding institutional trust, the new dynamic could eat away at the credibility of key regulators.
In Texas, regulators are weighing challenges to a transmission line from landowners who say the wires follow a route that unnecessarily intersects with their properties. In North Dakota, however, utility regulators last week passed that point, instead issuing a route permit for a controversial high-voltage transmission line in the eastern half of the state. Utilities first proposed the route for the 92-mile JETx line last summer. “This decision, as with any other decision, has to be based on the law, and then the record and the facts of the case,” Public Service Commissioner Jill Kringstad told the North Dakota Monitor.
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U.S. emissions surged 3.2% last year on the back of a 13% spike in coal-fired power generation, a sign of soaring demand for electricity. Still, solar offered a bright spot, growing by 28% last year. That’s all according to the latest data from the Energy Institute’s annual Statistical Review of World Energy. But the big takeaways were in fossil fuels. Among them: The U.S. remains the world’s top producer of oil and gas, and Canada has consolidated its positions as the world’s No. 4 driller of crude. As a result, “the center of gravity of global oil supply has structurally shifted,” Wafa Jafri, the British lead for energy and natural resource strategy at the accounting giant KPMG, said in a statement. “The Americas now produce 20% more oil than the Middle East, a shift that would have been unthinkable at the start of the century.”
Meanwhile, small-scale solar is making an impact in New York. New analysis by the Energy Information Administration shows that electricity demand falls midday in the state, a phenomenon the agency attributes to the rise of small solar installations in the state. The merits of distributed solar are even more obvious in places like Pakistan, where the grid is prone to going down. The country added a whopping 27 gigawatts of rooftop solar between 2023 and 2025, according to new data in PV Tech.
Just building intermittent renewables without storage is going out of fashion. Investment behemoth Brookfield Asset Management now says that contracts that pair new generation with battery storage are replacing pure renewables deals. In an interview with Bloomberg, Arnaud Jouvin, the head of Brookfield’s global energy strategy, said customers increasingly demand access to solar or wind systems with batteries. “There’s a lot of renewables being built in many markets, and the attractiveness of these renewable megawatt-hours in the middle of the day is declining to a point where many large offtakers no longer want standalone solar,” he said.

If the U.S. had hoped to secure the minerals it needs from Latin America instead of China, it may have to reconsider at least two Andean nations. Bolivia is in the midst of fierce protests and boycotts designed to thwart the new government’s efforts to develop a private mining industry. Now one of Ecuador’s mineral agencies has suffered a bomb attack. Early Monday morning, a bomb went off at the Quito headquarters of the country’s mining regulator, Arcom, blowing out several floors of windows.
Rob talks with Gigascale Capital’s Mike Schroepfer about how to make U.S. manufacturing better, cheaper, faster, and cleaner.
It has been a hard few years for climate tech. But we recently got a bright spot: Earlier this month, Gigascale Capital announced it had raised $250 million to build the physical infrastructure driving decarbonization. That was notable in part because Gigscale’s founder is Mike Schroepfer, Meta’s former chief technology officer, who has gone deep on climate tech since leaving the company in 2022.
On this episode of Shift Key, Mike joins Rob to discuss why Gigascale chose this moment to raise $250 million, what’s greenwashing (and what’s not) in AI, what the American manufacturing industry does better than China’s, and why Gigascale has not engaged in “climate hushing.”
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, or wherever you get your podcasts.
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Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: Where do you see that innovation happening in the hardware cycle? I mean, we’ve named SpaceX, obviously, but aerospace is, I think, kind of famously one of the last remaining sectors where China is still trying to catch up to Western firms in terms of cost competitiveness, in terms of sophistication. And then when we talk about, like, solar, it sounds like there’s a lot of cost to lose, but it’s still kind of piggybacking on the back of a fundamentally Chinese-dominated process. And obviously the Form Energy story is awesome, they have a great product, but also it’s — I’m not going to say it’s a one-off, but it does seem that they have this battery chemistry that is not related to the lithium-ion chemistry that nobody else has, and they’ve been able to get there first.
America is great at innovation, but we’ve struggled to convert that innovation over the past 10 years in the world of hardware into actually great products. And so, do you have a thesis about how that is going to change going forward, or where in the cycle we need to intervene, or where Gigascale can intervene to make sure that that innovation actually gets carried through into real products that that change the marketplace at climate level scales?
Mike Schroepfer: I mean, I guess I just fundamentally disagree with that statement. Let’s talk about some of the most valuable companies in the world, Nvidia and SpaceX. You know, Nvidia is still one of the world’s best. And I mean, you could say it’s manufactured at TSMC, but it’s fundamentally ... they’re designing a chip, you know. SpaceX is the only company that’s landing rockets every other week, and they’ve been doing it for a decade. Tesla really pioneered the electric vehicle, and I can go on and on and on. In terms of, you know, I built tens of millions of square feet of data center space. AI, the U.S. is still ahead, and AI, probably one of the most consequential technologies. Yes, the AI itself is software, but it’s on the back of massive infrastructure build. Where are all these data centers? They’re in the United States. That’s where all the training is happening, and that involves a bunch of infrastructure build.
Part of why I got into this was, I, you know, it’s reading all this stuff about how the U.S. and the West doesn’t know how to build anything anymore, and everything’s late and expensive. And like, we were out there building data centers, and I was like, these things are like plus or minus 3% on time, on budget, every single time — like, what the heck. And when I like looked at it, the thing everyone is missing is like, yes, when you make every project a special snowflake project, it’s a disaster. Every custom home ... even like electrical projects, right now, you know, if you go spec a transformer, it’s like, you hire an engineer and they write the specs, and they do a design doc, and they send it over, and like, why does this take forever? It’s because it’s like a custom bespoke wedding cake, basically every single time. It’s like, no, no, no, no. What’s the Costco sheet cake equivalent for transformers? I just roll in, and I’m buying them, you know, by the palette.
That’s what Heron Power is doing, is saying, like, no, no, we have a 5-megawatt transformer. It’s software controlled, so your voltages can be determined like at runtime. Cool, cool, you don’t need to custom-design this thing, and that’s an entirely different process. And that’s the way we build data centers, is like every single building looked the same from the sky. It was an L-shaped building, then we made an H-shaped building. It’s four data halls, and we would just like roll through and build the same thing over and over again. But Nvidia, part of the reason so valuable is like the, you know, same chip, basically with a couple small variants in my gaming PC is the thing that’s in my data center, but the core R&D was the same. And when we do that and we concentrate R&D and technical innovation, and then replicate the thing out, the U.S. is sort of unmatched in that.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
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Previously on Shift Key: What J.P. Morgan’s Chief Climate Advisor Is Telling Energy Startups
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