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The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and destruction of Gulf fossil fuel assets is already having effects we’ll be dealing with in months and years to come.

No matter how much longer the United States and Israel’s war with Iran lasts, the world’s energy system will be grappling with its consequences at least through the end of the year, if not for far longer.
The biggest short-run effects of the Iran energy crisis will be felt in Asia, where economies that run on Persian Gulf oil and gas face shortages and higher prices. The supply shock has — and will — drive up prices, leading oil and gas producers who aren’t stuck behind the Strait of Hormuz to seek higher returns. Much of the continent is already in the midst of an energy crisis, complete with fuel rationing and top-down policies to reduce oil and gas consumption.
In Australia, gas stations are running out of diesel. The government of the Philippines adopted a four-day workweek to reduce commuting. Pakistan announced a two-week school closure. Nepal is rationing cooking fuel. Thailand’s prime minister told civil servants to take the stairs, and the government set air conditioning to a minimum 79 degrees Fahrenheit.
Around the world, coal use is rising. Gasoline prices are on the way up, even in the United States, which is a net exporter of crude oil and petroleum products. Even if the war were to end tomorrow, oil and gas markets are likely to remain tight for many months to come.
Just as the oil shocks of the 1970s transformed the economies of the then-rich world — spurring the takeoff of nuclear power to in Japan and France; pushing the U.S. to direct R&D funding and subsidies to solar and shale gas; motivating carmakers around the world to developer smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles — so too will this crisis likely transform how the entire world structures its dependence on oil and gas. It maybe already has.
Let’s take an industry-by-industry look:
The year began with a global oil glut. That has long since vanished. No matter what happens in Iran over the near to medium term, expect the oil market to remain tight.
Before hostilities with Iran ramped up, the consensus was that the market was “oversupplied,” Greg Brew, an analyst at the Eurasia Group, told me. “Demand growth was expected to be fairly sluggish. Production from OPEC states and the U.S. was expected to be fairly high, and prices were going to be in the $60s and potentially $50s [per barrel]. Obviously that is now completely out the door.”
Both Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley analysts speculated that the Brent crude benchmark could hit or even exceed its 2022 high of around $122 a barrel. It might even break through its all-time high of around $150, reached in 2008, should the closure persist.
Even if the strait were to reopen tomorrow, it would leave a large “air pocket” in the oil market, Morgan Stanley oil analyst Martijn Rats wrote in a note to clients last week, referring to oil that will never come to market because of shut-in production. That would keep prices high through the second and third quarters of the year as supply catches up to demand.
Oil analyst and author of the Commodity Context newsletter Rory Johnston estimated that the size of this “air pocket” is in the hundreds of millions of barrels. “Inventory will start dropping like a rock” over the coming weeks, he told me, “even if we could snap fingers and just go back to where we were two, three weeks ago.”
That squares with what Brew told me, as well. “Even when Hormuz reopens, the price band through the rest of the year is unlikely to fall below $75 a barrel, given the size of the physical disruption that we’re experiencing,” he said. A barrel of oil cost around $60 at the end of last year, before the price began to creep up as the U.S. gathered forces around Iran.
There will likely still be a “sustained risk premium” for any tanker leaving the strait as long as the current Iranian regime remains in power, Brew said. “The most likely outcome from this war is one where Iran is weakened but has not collapsed — where it retains the capabilities to threaten traffic through the strait and to threaten [Gulf Cooperation Council] states.”
A supply squeeze that could have resolved quickly once the Strait of Hormuz reopened and Qatar’s Ras Laffan facility got up and running again turned into a years-long interruption when Iran knocked out 17% of Qatar’s liquified natural gas export capacity, taking out almost 13 million tons per year of gas production, according to Morgan Stanley. As recently as a month ago, Qatar supplied about a fifth of global LNG capacity. The damage will likely take several years to fix, the chief executive of QatarEnergy told Reuters.
“What started as a transitory (but significant) capacity outage has escalated to a multi-year loss of supply,” Morgan Stanley analysts wrote in a note to clients Thursday. “Even with near-term resolution, the global gas market will need to contend with refilling inventories amid a large supply loss, creating upside price risks.”
European and East Asian LNG importers will likely choose to pay the higher prices. Poorer countries in South and Southeast Asia, however, may have to go without.
“There is now no longer going to be an LNG glut in 2026. There’s going to be a tight gas market,” Brew told me. “That’s going to keep regional prices high. That’s going to keep European prices high. That’s going to keep Asian prices high. That’s going to mean emerging markets in South Asia and Southeast Asia that would otherwise be able to buy LNG cargoes are going to have a tougher time.”
Much of the rationing of electricity or the shutdown of fertilizer plants in South and Southeast Asia was already happening before this week’s catastrophic attacks, the result of Qatar cutting off production due to earlier strikes.
No matter how long the war lasts, European and Asian gas buyers will have to refill their gas reserves before winter sets in again, which will further strain an already tight market. The Morgan Stanley analysts said prices are more likely to go up than down through the rest of the year even if there’s deescalation soon.
Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients Wednesday that “even if the disruption proves temporary, LNG’s perceived risk profile has likely shifted structurally.”
“The conflict has underscored how concentrated global LNG supply remains around a narrow choke-point. That realization alone may embed a higher risk premium in LNG pricing,” he wrote. “Over time, higher prices could slow demand growth among some price-sensitive buyers and alter how buyers assess long-term LNG investment decisions.”
Just like in 2022, countries that suddenly find themselves short on natural gas will almost certainly turn to coal. “My sense is that this is going to be great for coal as 2022 was,” Brew said, referring to the uptick in coal usage following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which cut off a major source of natural gas supply for Europe.
In both Europe and Asia, the “coal equivalent” price of gas has shot up, meaning that natural gas is now much more expensive on a dollars-per-unit-of-energy basis. This will incentivize switching to dual use gas and coal plants, or else bringing under-utilized coal-burning power plants into service, especially in Asia.
South Korea said earlier this week that its nuclear and coal power plants could raise their output in light of reduced LNG availability. South Korea is heavily dependent on both fossil fuels and imported energy — 84% of its energy supply is imported on net; almost 80% of its energy supplies are fossil fuels, and about 15% of its LNG imports come from Qatar.
The energy consulting firm Wood Mackenzie estimated that coal-fired power plants in Japan and South Korea could offset 70% and more than 100% of their gas-fired generation, respectively. But, Wood Mackeznie noted, that’s only in the current “shoulder season,” when mild weather means less electricity demand. “If disruptions persist into peak summer demand, the effectiveness of coal as a buffer will diminish, increasing exposure to tighter supply conditions.”
In Europe, which invested heavily in renewables and gas imports (largely from Norway and the United States) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, coal’s cost favorability to natural gas is improving, but overall demand has been falling as days get longer and warmer. In Germany, coal’s share of electricity generation rose 2% in March compared to February.
There are already anecdotal reports of enthusiasm for renewables picking up in light of the fossil fuel supply shock. Bloomberg reported that electric vehicle showrooms are filing up across Asia with interested buyers looking to avoid expensive and sometimes rationed fuel.
Oil demand, particularly in Asia, “will be lower than it was before the war in terms of the expectation,” Johnston said. “There is no possibility, in my mind, that we do not see an enhanced drive toward energy efficiency, electrification, and other forms of diversification. It’s just the obvious outcome of this.” He said the amount of vulnerability Asia has to oil and natural gas is “existential” and “not tolerable.”
“Energy security and affordability is a much more compelling political argument” for a transition to clean energy than moral arguments about preventing future climate change, he added.
The same could be true for natural gas, especially LNG. The “next leg” for LNG growth globally, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, was supposed to be “price-sensitive demand in South/Southeast Asia.” That growth could be put at risk by “sustained higher prices” that induce “demand destruction, fuel switching (notably coal), delayed downstream infrastructure investment, or possibly ‘skipping’ LNG as a transition fuel in favor of renewables.”
In a note sent to clients Friday, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, “We see a constructive demand tailwind for U.S. clean energy peers beyond 2026,” due to “the multi‑year energy challenges implied by the escalation” of attacks on energy infrastructure in the Persian Gulf.
Even in the United States, which is more insulated from some of the worst shocks (we’re not going to run out of natural gas anytime soon), now may be a good time to “be stepping back and thinking a little bit more holistically about how we’re structuring our energy policy and our energy systems,” Francis O’Sullivan, managing director at S2G Investments, told me.
“We need to take a more all-of-the-above type approach to our energy system and our energy policymaking than is currently the case.”
There are ever-so-slight signs of a thaw toward renewables and in favor of an all-of-the-above strategy in the U.S. The federal government late last week declined to appeal a federal court ruling in favor of offshore wind developers who sued the Department of the Interior over its stop work orders. Senate Democrats have said they’re once again open to a deal with Congressional Republicans and the White House to ease permitting for all types of energy projects.
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New tariffs and price floors for imported polysilicon aim to protect U.S. producers from Chinese competition.
Almost exactly a month after President Donald Trump’s landmark tax law effectively eliminated a key incentive for solar developers to buy panels made in America, his administration is throwing a lifeline to manufacturers behind the nation’s fastest-growing and quickest-to-deploy source of electricity.
On Thursday afternoon, after the markets closed, the White House announced new tariffs and minimum import prices for imported polysilicon as part of an effort to prop up the domestic supply chain for the primary ingredient in semiconductors and solar panels.
The levies come in response to complaints from polysilicon makers that the dearth of U.S. factories demanding solar-grade polysilicon made it difficult to compete with Chinese giants who benefit from selling both the solar- and microchip-grade versions of the ultra-pure industrial material derived from quartz and sand. The companies made the petition under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, which gives the White House the power to restrict imports and charge tariffs on imports that demonstrably impair national security.
The Trump administration will impose a 15% tariff on all imports and set baseline prices at which the levies would apply for each component in the solar supply chain. Polysilicon will have a minimum import price of $20 per kilogram. Wafers, the ultra-thin slice of crystalline silicon that acts as the foundation of a photovoltaic cell, and ingots, the silicon material before it’s sliced, will start at $100 per kilogram. Cells, the tiny silicon-based devices that absorb photons from sunlight and break away electrons that generate electrical currents, will have a minimum price of $0.22 per watt. Modules, the completed panels, are $0.38 a watt.
The majority of U.S. solar factories simply assemble wafers and cells into modules, leaving them reliant on imports. But the policy won’t hit all at once. The Commerce Department is giving companies 120 days before the restrictions kick in.
The agency will also set up an incentive program that allows manufacturers that make large capital investments in the U.S. to avoid the worst of the levies. Jeffrey Kessler, the Under Secretary of Commerce in charge of executing on 232 cases, pushed for the provision as a bid to avoid what happened when Europe attempted to protect its own solar manufacturers by setting a minimum import price meant to keep Chinese companies from flooding the market. That policy ended up subsidizing the very Chinese parent companies putting market domination ahead of profits back home.
Avoiding that outcome is tricky under any circumstances. China and the U.S. don’t have a tax treaty, which makes it difficult for American authorities to confirm a company’s ownership structure. The surest way to seal off the U.S. market is with 100% tariffs such as those imposed on Chinese electric vehicles.
In this case, the Commerce Department decided to allow companies with active plans to onshore the solar supply chain to apply for an exemption from the new trade rules. Ahead of the announcement, sources familiar with the talks listed South Korean giant Qcells, which just opened the nation’s largest integrated solar factory in Georgia, as one obvious example of a company that would pass muster.
Solar manufacturers applauded the move. “Today’s decision from the White House balances the reality of where America’'s solar energy manufacturing is today while advancing our collective ambition to onshore the entire supply chain from polysilicon to finished panels in the U.S.,” Andy Park, the global CEO of Qcells, said in an emailed statement. “American solar manufacturers are ready to rise to the occasion.”
The trade action “creates a market where wafer and cell manufacturing can happen in the United States, and companies can go fully vertically integrated,” Nick Iacovella, the executive vice president of the Coalition for a Prosperous America, a bipartisan trade association that represents manufacturing companies at every stage of the polysilicon supply chain, told Heatmap.
“What this does is cement a key input in the supply chain that’s critical not just for chips, but for the most efficient, best-performing solar modules,” he said. “We shore up our chip supply chain at a time when there is a greater urgency to derisk from China invading Taiwan — and also during a time when the AI data center boom is driving massive demand for new energy generation, with solar driving a lot of the new capacity coming onto the grid.”
The levies come a week after the Federal Communications Commission banned the use of new types of foreign-made inverters, the equipment needed to patch solar panels onto the grid. Analysts said the ban would have a limited effect on the solar industry, since it allows for the current models on the market to be sold. The purpose of that policy is to prop up domestic factories at a moment when Europe, despite its struggle to reindustrialize, is experiencing an inverter manufacturing boom.
Despite those intentions, multiple industry sources who spoke on condition of anonymity told Heatmap that trade restrictions alone would likely prove insufficient to prop up a domestic solar supply chain at the scale needed to minimize imports.
The latest data from the Rhodium Group found that new U.S. investments in solar factories peaked from the second half of 2022 through the first quarter of 2025. During that time, as Emily reported in May, the announced projects averaged more than $2 billion per quarter. At least 30 new utility-scale solar factories opened across the U.S. just last year.
Since then, development has plummeted. Investment in new solar factories announced fell to about $350 million in the first quarter of 2026, a drop of more than 80%.
By raising the price of panels overall, the Commerce Department is providing a particular boon to America’s leading solar manufacturer, First Solar. While the Phoenix-based panel-maker’s thin-film cell technology doesn’t use polysilicon, the price hike from the tariffs will give the company an edge by allowing the company to either raise its prices to match new industry-wide benefits or undercut its competitors. Investors in the company told Heatmap its recent bookings average sales of about $0.36 per watt.
Another clear winner is T1 Energy, which Roth analysts say “would eventually be a beneficiary once it ramps up its U.S. cell manufacturing, which is now expected to come online” next year. The company’s share price spiked more than 10% in after-hours trading, while First Solar was up more than 8%.
“There are a lot of people in the administration who support solar,” Iacovella said. “They just don’t want a bunch of Chinese solar panels.”
Still, he added, “this is all about the chip supply chain.” While the benefits to solar are welcome, “this is a two-for-one.”
The Trump administration has signed a deal with RWE, a German developer, to cancel more than 3 gigawatts of offshore wind near New York and New Jersey.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
There goes another one. The German energy developer RWE has signed a $1.2 billion deal with the Trump administration to give up its claims to develop offshore wind farms in New York, California, and Louisiana. The Trump administration has now bought out 12 offshore wind leases, paying energy developers $3.93 billion for the privilege of not developing renewable energy along the American coastline.
Today’s is the largest payout yet — and fittingly so, I suppose, because it is among the most damaging. As part of the deal, RWE abandoned its plans to build a more than 3-gigawatt offshore wind farm in the New York Bight. When RWE first leased that site in 2022, it paid $1.1 billion for it — the biggest offshore wind lease auction ever held in the United States.
RWE promised that the resulting facility, dubbed Community Offshore Wind, would generate 700 jobs and $3 billion in local economic activity. It would have been close enough to New Jersey and New York that its power could have flowed to either state, although no final power contract was ever signed. Now all of that is kaput.
In the eyes of some critics, RWE had overpaid for that lease — and in that context, the Trump administration has I suppose done the German developer a favor, bailing them out from a bad investment in a legally dubious manner. (New York’s attorney general is suing to block a similar payout to Total Energies.)
But even beyond that context, there remains one big problem with these deals — an issue even more glaring now than when Trump started targeting wind projects last year. It is that the United States — and especially the Northeast, and especially New York — needs as much electricity as it can get right now. The Trump administration is striving to bring new power demand online in the form of data centers, but cutting off new sources of generation if they fail to meet its aesthetic standards.
Anticipating this sensitivity, RWE’s press statement announcing the deal goes on to list major energy projects that it’s committed to in the United States. These projects all involve, coincidentally (or not), fossil fuels: They include a $900 million stake in a Louisiana liquified natural gas export terminal and a $300 million reservation for new natural gas turbines. (RWE implies, but doesn’t say outright, that it will build 15 natural gas peaker plants with these turbines.) When we asked for more details about these projects, and whether we should anticipate anything new, RWE immediately got back to us: “We are unable to discuss further details on the investments.”
Yet as RWE well knows, these projects won’t help solve a coming energy shortage in New York or New England. For one, the Louisiana LNG export terminal is, well, an export terminal: It will help move energy out of the country, not generate more of it at home. Those exports might boost Americans’ fortunes in a vague, long-term, balance-of-payments way, but they won’t keep a lid on anyone’s power bills (which, by the way, just hit an all-time high). More importantly, the 15 peaker plants that RWE cites are largely going to be built … in other regions of the country. If the lights go out on Houston Street, a new gas plant in Houston can’t help.
Americans paid $217 on average for electricity last month, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub.
July is typically the season of high electricity bills, and this year is no exception.
Nationally, the average electricity bill spiked to $217, an all-time high, according to new data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub. That’s up from $177 in June, and $215 last July. Meanwhile, electricity rates were 19 cents per kilowatt-hour, virtually unchanged from June and slightly higher than July of last year.
Throughout the country, many ratepayers are seeing higher costs and charges in the portion of their bill covering the cost of power generation.
Once again, some of the most notable electricity price and bill trends were seen in the mid-Atlantic region, the heart of the data center boom and the anchor area of the PJM Interconnection. The region also includes Virginia, where Florida utility and energy developer NextEra is attempting to acquire the commonwealth’s dominant utility, Dominion.
In July, Dominion customers saw typical generation charges rise to $155 a month, up from $124 a year ago. Overall bills for Dominion customers were about $259 this past month.
The higher bills are in part due to the “fuel charge rider” that went into effect this past month to help recover about $1 billion in additional generation costs claimed by the utility. Those charges stem in part from higher fuel costs this past winter, when natural gas prices spiked to their highest level since the winter of 2022-23, Dominion officials said in a filing to the state’s utilities regulator. The MIT researchers estimate that the fuel charge added around $53 to July bills, up $12 from July of last year.
In neighboring Delaware, bills were $216 a month in July, a record high, while prices were around 19 cents per kilowatt-hour. Customers of the state’s main utility, Delmarva Power, saw a near 20% hike in the supply charge in their standard service offerings, as prices rose from around 16 cents per kilowatt-hour from last year.
The Delaware Public Service Commission voted at the beginning of last month to allow an interim rate increase of about $3 per month for the typical customer, which went into effect July 9. Soon after, Delaware Governor Matt Meyer signed a law giving the state’s regulators more discretion to reject putting certain utility costs into the rate base and thus limit subsequent price hikes requested by utilities. The governor’s office described the law as a mechanism “to prioritize prudent spending over unchecked cost recovery.”