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The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and destruction of Gulf fossil fuel assets is already having effects we’ll be dealing with in months and years to come.

No matter how much longer the United States and Israel’s war with Iran lasts, the world’s energy system will be grappling with its consequences at least through the end of the year, if not for far longer.
The biggest short-run effects of the Iran energy crisis will be felt in Asia, where economies that run on Persian Gulf oil and gas face shortages and higher prices. The supply shock has — and will — drive up prices, leading oil and gas producers who aren’t stuck behind the Strait of Hormuz to seek higher returns. Much of the continent is already in the midst of an energy crisis, complete with fuel rationing and top-down policies to reduce oil and gas consumption.
In Australia, gas stations are running out of diesel. The government of the Philippines adopted a four-day workweek to reduce commuting. Pakistan announced a two-week school closure. Nepal is rationing cooking fuel. Thailand’s prime minister told civil servants to take the stairs, and the government set air conditioning to a minimum 79 degrees Fahrenheit.
Around the world, coal use is rising. Gasoline prices are on the way up, even in the United States, which is a net exporter of crude oil and petroleum products. Even if the war were to end tomorrow, oil and gas markets are likely to remain tight for many months to come.
Just as the oil shocks of the 1970s transformed the economies of the then-rich world — spurring the takeoff of nuclear power to in Japan and France; pushing the U.S. to direct R&D funding and subsidies to solar and shale gas; motivating carmakers around the world to developer smaller, more fuel-efficient vehicles — so too will this crisis likely transform how the entire world structures its dependence on oil and gas. It maybe already has.
Let’s take an industry-by-industry look:
The year began with a global oil glut. That has long since vanished. No matter what happens in Iran over the near to medium term, expect the oil market to remain tight.
Before hostilities with Iran ramped up, the consensus was that the market was “oversupplied,” Greg Brew, an analyst at the Eurasia Group, told me. “Demand growth was expected to be fairly sluggish. Production from OPEC states and the U.S. was expected to be fairly high, and prices were going to be in the $60s and potentially $50s [per barrel]. Obviously that is now completely out the door.”
Both Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley analysts speculated that the Brent crude benchmark could hit or even exceed its 2022 high of around $122 a barrel. It might even break through its all-time high of around $150, reached in 2008, should the closure persist.
Even if the strait were to reopen tomorrow, it would leave a large “air pocket” in the oil market, Morgan Stanley oil analyst Martijn Rats wrote in a note to clients last week, referring to oil that will never come to market because of shut-in production. That would keep prices high through the second and third quarters of the year as supply catches up to demand.
Oil analyst and author of the Commodity Context newsletter Rory Johnston estimated that the size of this “air pocket” is in the hundreds of millions of barrels. “Inventory will start dropping like a rock” over the coming weeks, he told me, “even if we could snap fingers and just go back to where we were two, three weeks ago.”
That squares with what Brew told me, as well. “Even when Hormuz reopens, the price band through the rest of the year is unlikely to fall below $75 a barrel, given the size of the physical disruption that we’re experiencing,” he said. A barrel of oil cost around $60 at the end of last year, before the price began to creep up as the U.S. gathered forces around Iran.
There will likely still be a “sustained risk premium” for any tanker leaving the strait as long as the current Iranian regime remains in power, Brew said. “The most likely outcome from this war is one where Iran is weakened but has not collapsed — where it retains the capabilities to threaten traffic through the strait and to threaten [Gulf Cooperation Council] states.”
A supply squeeze that could have resolved quickly once the Strait of Hormuz reopened and Qatar’s Ras Laffan facility got up and running again turned into a years-long interruption when Iran knocked out 17% of Qatar’s liquified natural gas export capacity, taking out almost 13 million tons per year of gas production, according to Morgan Stanley. As recently as a month ago, Qatar supplied about a fifth of global LNG capacity. The damage will likely take several years to fix, the chief executive of QatarEnergy told Reuters.
“What started as a transitory (but significant) capacity outage has escalated to a multi-year loss of supply,” Morgan Stanley analysts wrote in a note to clients Thursday. “Even with near-term resolution, the global gas market will need to contend with refilling inventories amid a large supply loss, creating upside price risks.”
European and East Asian LNG importers will likely choose to pay the higher prices. Poorer countries in South and Southeast Asia, however, may have to go without.
“There is now no longer going to be an LNG glut in 2026. There’s going to be a tight gas market,” Brew told me. “That’s going to keep regional prices high. That’s going to keep European prices high. That’s going to keep Asian prices high. That’s going to mean emerging markets in South Asia and Southeast Asia that would otherwise be able to buy LNG cargoes are going to have a tougher time.”
Much of the rationing of electricity or the shutdown of fertilizer plants in South and Southeast Asia was already happening before this week’s catastrophic attacks, the result of Qatar cutting off production due to earlier strikes.
No matter how long the war lasts, European and Asian gas buyers will have to refill their gas reserves before winter sets in again, which will further strain an already tight market. The Morgan Stanley analysts said prices are more likely to go up than down through the rest of the year even if there’s deescalation soon.
Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients Wednesday that “even if the disruption proves temporary, LNG’s perceived risk profile has likely shifted structurally.”
“The conflict has underscored how concentrated global LNG supply remains around a narrow choke-point. That realization alone may embed a higher risk premium in LNG pricing,” he wrote. “Over time, higher prices could slow demand growth among some price-sensitive buyers and alter how buyers assess long-term LNG investment decisions.”
Just like in 2022, countries that suddenly find themselves short on natural gas will almost certainly turn to coal. “My sense is that this is going to be great for coal as 2022 was,” Brew said, referring to the uptick in coal usage following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which cut off a major source of natural gas supply for Europe.
In both Europe and Asia, the “coal equivalent” price of gas has shot up, meaning that natural gas is now much more expensive on a dollars-per-unit-of-energy basis. This will incentivize switching to dual use gas and coal plants, or else bringing under-utilized coal-burning power plants into service, especially in Asia.
South Korea said earlier this week that its nuclear and coal power plants could raise their output in light of reduced LNG availability. South Korea is heavily dependent on both fossil fuels and imported energy — 84% of its energy supply is imported on net; almost 80% of its energy supplies are fossil fuels, and about 15% of its LNG imports come from Qatar.
The energy consulting firm Wood Mackenzie estimated that coal-fired power plants in Japan and South Korea could offset 70% and more than 100% of their gas-fired generation, respectively. But, Wood Mackeznie noted, that’s only in the current “shoulder season,” when mild weather means less electricity demand. “If disruptions persist into peak summer demand, the effectiveness of coal as a buffer will diminish, increasing exposure to tighter supply conditions.”
In Europe, which invested heavily in renewables and gas imports (largely from Norway and the United States) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, coal’s cost favorability to natural gas is improving, but overall demand has been falling as days get longer and warmer. In Germany, coal’s share of electricity generation rose 2% in March compared to February.
There are already anecdotal reports of enthusiasm for renewables picking up in light of the fossil fuel supply shock. Bloomberg reported that electric vehicle showrooms are filing up across Asia with interested buyers looking to avoid expensive and sometimes rationed fuel.
Oil demand, particularly in Asia, “will be lower than it was before the war in terms of the expectation,” Johnston said. “There is no possibility, in my mind, that we do not see an enhanced drive toward energy efficiency, electrification, and other forms of diversification. It’s just the obvious outcome of this.” He said the amount of vulnerability Asia has to oil and natural gas is “existential” and “not tolerable.”
“Energy security and affordability is a much more compelling political argument” for a transition to clean energy than moral arguments about preventing future climate change, he added.
The same could be true for natural gas, especially LNG. The “next leg” for LNG growth globally, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, was supposed to be “price-sensitive demand in South/Southeast Asia.” That growth could be put at risk by “sustained higher prices” that induce “demand destruction, fuel switching (notably coal), delayed downstream infrastructure investment, or possibly ‘skipping’ LNG as a transition fuel in favor of renewables.”
In a note sent to clients Friday, Dumoulin-Smith wrote, “We see a constructive demand tailwind for U.S. clean energy peers beyond 2026,” due to “the multi‑year energy challenges implied by the escalation” of attacks on energy infrastructure in the Persian Gulf.
Even in the United States, which is more insulated from some of the worst shocks (we’re not going to run out of natural gas anytime soon), now may be a good time to “be stepping back and thinking a little bit more holistically about how we’re structuring our energy policy and our energy systems,” Francis O’Sullivan, managing director at S2G Investments, told me.
“We need to take a more all-of-the-above type approach to our energy system and our energy policymaking than is currently the case.”
There are ever-so-slight signs of a thaw toward renewables and in favor of an all-of-the-above strategy in the U.S. The federal government late last week declined to appeal a federal court ruling in favor of offshore wind developers who sued the Department of the Interior over its stop work orders. Senate Democrats have said they’re once again open to a deal with Congressional Republicans and the White House to ease permitting for all types of energy projects.
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The administration told a federal court that it has a “new analytical methodology,” hence the continued delays.
A federal judge ruled in early August that the Trump administration’s freeze on vertical height clearances for wind turbines was likely illegal. More than a month later nearly all of the wind energy projects remain on pause, as federal officials add new red tape that industry representatives say runs afoul of the court’s edict.
Let’s catch-up quickly on the American wind sector’s existential dilemma: the federal government has control over airspace higher than 200 feet from the ground and wind farm turbines essentially always enter that sphere of control. For at least a year and a half, the Trump administration through the Department of Defense and the Federal Aviation Administration has slowly gummed up what industry and former government officials have said was once a rote, benign bureaucratic process for ensuring turbine rotation didn’t interfere with flight patterns or radar at nearby airports.
So, Trump is delaying key approvals even for wind projects on private land, a worst-case scenario for the industry during his presidency. With support from their respective trade groups, many project developers sued and in August won a preliminary injunction against this de-facto national wind energy freeze. The court ruling said federal law laid out clear deadlines for completing these airspace reviews and the administration was willfully missing them.
“[In] light of DoD’s review freeze that started a year ago and still has no end in sight, the wind developers would naturally look to the same deadlines for relief,” U.S. District Judge Karin Immergut wrote, stating the administration’s pause violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Immergut also said the Trump administration potentially violated the law by reviewing projects under a new national security “methodology” that was defined by Congress.
But on Thursday, in its first update to the court since the ruling, the Justice Department laid out how essentially all projects remain at a standstill because they were adopting a new kind of comprehensive review process.
The administration claimed that “as a matter of policy” it had “resumed processing wind energy project applications,” but it only described a single instance where a company had heard from the military about moving forward. In addition, that company as well as all others affected by the freeze would still face a “new analytical methodology” for federal agencies reviewing height clearances for all projects, which appears to fly in the face of the ruling. The Justice Department did not provide any more detail about the methodology in its status update to the court.
Nicole Hughes, executive director of lead plaintiff Renewable Northwest, asserted in an interview Tuesday that the agency isn’t complying with the court order. “It appears to me they’re still stalling,” Hughes told me, adding the federal government’s reluctance to proceed is creating “a pretty high risk” for developers of any new wind projects in the United States. She said if nothing changes in the short term, they’re going to “have to go back to the judge and ask for further clarification as to what it means to comply with this order.”
“The lack of compliance by the administration does put into question the credibility [of the courts] and what pieces hold their feet to the fire? What remedies do we have? There’s never been a time an administration flaunts a judge’s orders the way the administration is.”
The Justice Department status update described a multitude of wind energy projects impacted by the freeze. At least 30 projects apparently already signed deals proposed by the military to mitigate radar impacts and were awaiting a counter-signature from the Department of Defense (which Trump calls the Department of War or DoW). Those previous legal agreements are now at risk of being thrown out, according to the Justice Department filing. The new pathway forward for them apparently is: “DoW will either (i) provide a notice that the project presents an unacceptable risk to national security, (ii) re-engage in negotiations with the developer to attempt to ameliorate any unacceptable risks, or (iii) circulate to the project proponent [a] new model mitigation agreement.”
At least 110 projects were in the middle of discussions with the federal government about mitigating airspace impacts when the injunction came down, according to the DOJ filing, which says none of them have heard from officials since the injunction. “As of this filing, developer re-engagements have yet to begin because such discussions need to be informed by the analytical results. Given the number of projects in this category, DoW has been assessing how to resume review and engagement with the developers.”
The DOJ said another 50 projects awaiting initial meetings with the federal government about airspace risk will begin once the administration “finishes with those” 110 projects that were in the middle of the process. That waiting list will also include another at least 40 projects the Justice Department said received “presumed risk” airspace notices from the federal government.
We’ve seen the Trump administration use extralegal means to delay wind energy before, but never to this extent or after a judge ruled against them. The Interior Department had been freezing wind and solar projects on federal lands under a policy requiring Secretary Doug Burgum sign off on routine approvals, but those typical government processes seem like they’ve resumed after a different federal court ruling enjoining that policy.
American Clean Power, the largest utility-scale solar and wind energy trade group, declined to comment. The Department of Defense did not respond to a request for comment.
CleanCounts is announcing new hourly matching credits, among other “enhancements.”
Renewable energy certificates, or RECS — the credits that companies buy in order to make claims that their operations “run on renewable energy” — are getting more sophisticated.
CleanCounts, a nonprofit that runs one of the biggest registries for RECs in North America, announced on Wednesday that it now has the capability to issue certificates tied to the exact hour the renewable energy was produced, opening the door to more reality-based clean energy claims. For companies that want to match their renewable energy purchases to the hours when their factories and stores are actually consuming power, “that was a critical piece of infrastructure that was missing,” Benjamin Gerber, the CEO of CleanCounts, told me.
The company also announced “additional enhancements” to its registry that will enable a wider range of new REC products, from certificates tied to “pollinator-friendly solar,” to projects owned by indigenous Tribes, to “low-impact hydropower” projects that mitigate harm to fish. Gerber said he thinks having a system to track and verify these benefits will help companies tell a different story about the infrastructure they are building, and in so doing help turn the tide of public support.
Traditionally, a REC represents a megawatt-hour of electricity that has been generated by a renewable energy source such as wind, solar, geothermal, or moving water. The generator records every megawatt-hour it produces with a registry like CleanCounts, which issues certificates; companies then buy these certificates, either in advance under power purchase agreements or after the fact in the spot market. The registry then “retires” the certificates once the REC buyer chooses to “use” it to make a clean energy claim. Registries ensure that nobody is counting the same megawatt-hour more than once.
Today, a lot of corporations simply match their annual energy consumption with certificates. If they anticipate consuming 100 megawatts, they might buy 100 megawatts of solar RECs — even if their factories operate at night — and then claim they “run on 100% renewable energy.” Critics argue these types of claims mislead the public and tip the scales toward the cheapest renewable sources — i.e. solar and wind — rather than those that can generate energy in the off-hours, such as batteries, geothermal, and nuclear. Many clean energy advocates want to see companies move toward making more specific claims about the number of hours they run on renewable energy.
Google got behind this idea several years ago, pledging to match its consumption with clean energy on a 24/7 basis. CleanCounts piloted a method with Google to issue the company hourly RECs, but to do so it had to basically reverse engineer the certificates, embedding data regarding the time the energy was produced after the fact. That made it complicated to true up a company’s energy consumption data with its REC purchases and say, “we covered X number of hours with clean energy.”
Now, CleanCounts will be able to specifically issue a credit for “1 megawatt-hour produced Wednesday, September 16, at 9:00 a.m.,” for example, making it far easier for companies to adopt an hourly matching strategy.
“Instead of breaking it apart, they're basically issuing it as an already granularized tradable certificate,” Alex Piper, the head of policy at EnergyTag, a nonprofit that advocates for hourly matching, told me. “Which is what is new and exciting, and opens the door for more liquid transactions and a broader and more impactful marketplace.”
Hourly matching is not exactly popular in the corporate sustainability world. A lot of companies and sustainability consultants argue that accounting for their energy on an hourly basis will be too complicated, too expensive, and ultimately crater the corporate clean energy market. Corporations are in a showdown with EnergyTag and other proponents of hourly matching to convince the Greenhouse Gas Protocol, a nonprofit that sets standards for corporate carbon accounting, of their case.
The new CleanCounts product solves at least one of those challenges, making hourly clean energy procurement much simpler.
That might also reap benefits in the form of consumer trust. New polling from EnergyTag and YouGov found that Americans tend to agree that companies shouldn’t claim to use solar at night. When asked, “When should a company count as a clean energy user?” 45% of respondents selected “only when their clean energy supply matches the hours they actually use electricity,” while 22% chose “when their clean energy averages out over the year (i.e. daytime solar covering nighttime usage.)” Just under a third of the 1,292 respondents selected “don’t know.”
Even if companies start buying hourly RECs, however, another challenge will be figuring out how to tell their customers, most of whom have no idea what a REC is. For years, companies have simply advertised that they are 100% renewable. What will it take to convince customers that actually, “We use clean energy about half the time we operate” is a more laudable claim?
Current conditions: Severe storms are drenching a broad swath of the Midwest with heavy rain from Des Moines to Fort Wayne • Intense downpours put all 76 of Thailand’s provinces, or changwat, on a five-day flooding alert, ending on Sunday • Tropical Storm Dujuan has strengthened in the Pacific en route to Japan.

The Trump administration has narrowed the federal government’s interpretation of the Endangered Species Act to only consider intentional targeting of protected animals illegal. The move, part of what The New York Times called “a seismic shift” in the application of one of the nation’s bedrock conservation laws, would essentially free energy companies from the need to, for example, invest in infrastructure to keep migratory birds from making deadly landings in ponds of oil and gas slurry. Killing endangered animals “almost always happens incidentally, in the course of economic activity,” the newspaper noted. It’s unclear whether the legal change would also apply to one of the industries President Donald Trump most frequently antagonizes for its accidental killing of birds: the wind industry.
When President Donald Trump announced an energy truce between Ukraine and Russia, he promised that a halt to attacks on pipelines and refineries would lower prices on diesel worldwide, insisting the Iran War wasn’t to blame. But half of Russia’s six top diesel-producing refineries were forced to significantly cut back or completely stop production this month due to damage from Ukrainian drone attacks, according to a Reuters analysis published Wednesday. Russian President Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, is making a $135 billion bet on Arctic oil that OilPrice.com suggested “could save his Ukraine war.”
U.S. energy companies, meanwhile, are storming into a country in America’s backyard that — unlike the Kremlin’s attempt at a blitzkrieg capture of Kyiv’s leaders in 2022 — successfully decapitated a rebellious regime and reasserted Washington’s regional dominance. I’m talking, of course, about Venezuela. Harold Hamm, the oil tycoon behind the U.S. shale boom, told the Heartlander News yesterday that his company had signed a tentative agreement to explore one of the South American nation’s oil fields. New York-based Heeney Capital is eyeing a gold mine in Venezuela, per Reuters. Bloomberg reported that the company is also looking to ship aluminum from Venezuela to the U.S. Exxon Mobil, meanwhile, is “nearing a preliminary deal” to invest in Venezuela oil, according to The Wall Street Journal.
The Federal Reserve raised the benchmark federal interest rate by a quarter point Wednesday. The U.S. central bank’s first rate change since Chairman Kevin Warsh took over in May, and its first rate hike since 2023, will bring the federal funds rate to between 3.75% and 4%. The increase could make raising capital “more difficult” for “capital-intensive renewable and clean energy industries,” my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote yesterday.
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Lawmakers in the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed the first major bill to curb the costs of the AI boom with legislation Politico described as “intended to shield Americans from potential energy costs associated with data centers.” The Ratepayer Protection Act passed in a 417 to 3 vote. The bipartisan win hands the GOP a victory ahead of the November election on one of the issues firing up voters the most. The bill would require states to consider a federal standard guaranteeing that large power consumers pay for 100% of the costs of new generation and transmission upgrades, but falls short of a direct mandate.
Meanwhile, the House split along partisan lines for another bill on California’s right to regulate pollution more strictly than the federal government. The chamber voted 216 to 211 to bar California from setting strict new limits on air pollution from ships docked at the state’s ports, marking what The New York Times called “the latest salvo by Republicans against the state’s pioneering environmental policies.” The move comes after Congress last year banned Sacramento from imposing a ban on gasoline-powered vehicles by 2035.
One of the most significant nuclear stock market debuts of the past few years has hit a major hiccup. On Wednesday night, Holtec Nuclear Corporation suspended plans for an initial public offering, citing “market conditions.” Bloomberg and Reuters first reported the postponement, which I confirmed with Holtec last night. “Holtec will continue to evaluate the timing of the offering in the future,” the company told me. With plans to restart a nuclear reactor for the first time in U.S. history in the coming months, Holtec is the only company likely to bring (somewhat) new atomic electricity onto the grid before 2030. The company owns several other decommissioning nuclear plants, where it plans to build its own in-house small modular reactors.
Another major player in the burgeoning nuclear market, meanwhile, hit a major regulatory milestone. Blue Energy, a developer that bills itself as “agnostic” to reactor technologies, is instead focused on building facilities that will initially run on gas and eventually transition to reactors, with GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s BWRX-300 — the closest rival to Holtec’s SMR-300 — centering in those plans at the moment. On Wednesday, Blue Energy submitted its application for a construction permit to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for its inaugural gas-to-nuclear project in Port of Victoria, Texas. The submission makes Blue Energy one of just five companies so far to ask the NRC for permission to begin building. “This is serious work done by serious people for a serious project,” Blue Energy CEO Jake Jurewicz said in a statement. “This is another huge step towards building the world’s first gas-to-nuclear power plant and proving the Blue Energy approach to build nuclear in the safest, quickest, and most scalable way possible.”
The wine-dark sea is getting more briny. As its temperatures rise faster than the global ocean surface average, the Mediterranean Sea is growing saltier. The upper 100 meters of the sea between Europe and Africa have been about 2 degrees Celsius warmer than their 1950 to 1999 average, according to a study published in Geophysical Research Letters. “For us, what was alarming was the rate at which this is changing and the depths that such significant changes reach,” Elena Terzić, a physical oceanographer at the Ruđer Bošković Institute and lead author of the study, told Bloomberg. “The warming and salinification are statistically significant down to three or four thousand meters, and the speed-up itself reaches down to about 2,500 meters.”