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Defenders of the Inflation Reduction Act have hit on what they hope will be a persuasive argument for why it should stay.

With the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act and its tax credits for building and producing clean energy hanging in the balance, the law’s supporters have increasingly turned to dollars-and-cents arguments in favor of its preservation. Since the election, industry and research groups have put out a handful of reports making the broad argument that in addition to higher greenhouse gas emissions, taking away these tax credits would mean higher electricity bills.
The American Clean Power Association put out a report in December, authored by the consulting firm ICF, arguing that “energy tax credits will drive $1.9 trillion in growth, creating 13.7 million jobs and delivering 4x return on investment.”
The Solar Energy Industries Association followed that up last month with a letter citing an analysis by Aurora Energy Research, which found that undoing the tax credits for wind, solar, and storage would reduce clean energy deployment by 237 gigawatts through 2040 and cost nearly 100,000 jobs, all while raising bills by hundreds of dollars in Texas and New York. (Other groups, including the conservative environmental group ConservAmerica and the Clean Energy Buyers Association have commissioned similar research and come up with similar results.)
And just this week, Energy Innovation, a clean energy research group that had previously published widely cited research arguing that clean energy deployment was not linked to the run-up in retail electricity prices, published a report that found repealing the Inflation Reduction Act would “increase cumulative household energy costs by $32 billion” over the next decade, among other economic impacts.
The tax credits “make clean energy even more economic than it already is, particularly for developers,” explained Energy Innovation senior director Robbie Orvis. “When you add more of those technologies, you bring down the electricity cost significantly,” he said.
Historically, the price of fossil fuels like natural gas and coal have set the wholesale price for electricity. With renewables, however, the operating costs associated with procuring those fuels go away. The fewer of those you have, “the lower the price drops,” Orvis said. Without the tax credits to support the growth and deployment of renewables, the analysis found that annual energy costs per U.S. household would go up some $48 annually by 2030, and $68 by 2035.
These arguments come at a time when retail electricity prices in much of the country have grown substantially. Since December 2019, average retail electricity prices have risen from about $0.13 per kilowatt-hour to almost $0.18, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In Massachusetts and California, rates are over $0.30 a kilowatt-hour, according to the Energy Information Administration. As Energy Innovation researchers have pointed out, states with higher renewable penetration sometimes have higher rates, including California, but often do not, as in South Dakota, where 77% of its electricity comes from renewables.
Retail electricity prices are not solely determined by fuel costs Distribution costs for maintaining the whole electrical system are also a factor. In California, for example, it’s these costs that have driven a spike in rates, as utilities have had to harden their grids against wildfires. Across the whole country, utilities have had to ramp up capital investment in grid equipment as it’s aged, driving up distribution costs, a 2024 Energy Innovation report argued.
A similar analysis by Aurora Energy Research (the one cited by SEIA) that just looked at investment and production tax credits for wind, solar, and batteries found that if they were removed, electricity bills would increase hundreds of dollars per year on average, and by as much as $40 per month in New York and $29 per month in Texas.
One reason the bill impact could be so high, Aurora’s Martin Anderson told me, is that states with aggressive goals for decarbonizing the electricity sector would still have to procure clean energy in a world where its deployment would have gotten more expensive. New York is targeting a target for getting 70% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030, while Minnesota has a goal for its utilities to sell 55% clean electricity by 2035 and could see its average cost increase by $22 a month. Some of these states may have to resort to purchasing renewable energy certificates to make up the difference as new generation projects in the state become less attractive.
Bills in Texas, on the other hand, would likely go up because wind and solar investment would slow down, meaning that Texans’ large-scale energy consumption would be increasingly met with fossil fuels (Texas has a Renewable Portfolio Standard that it has long since surpassed).
This emphasis from industry and advocacy groups on the dollars and cents of clean energy policy is hardly new — when the House of Representatives passed the (doomed) Waxman-Markey cap and trade bill in 2009, then-Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi told the House, “Remember these four words for what this legislation means: jobs, jobs, jobs, and jobs.”
More recently, when Democratic Senators Martin Heinrich and Tim Kaine hosted a press conference to press their case for preserving the Inflation Reduction Act, the email that landed in reporters’ inboxes read “Heinrich, Kaine Host Press Conference on Trump’s War on Affordable, American-Made Energy.”
“Trump’s war on the Inflation Reduction Act will kill American jobs, raise costs on families, weaken our economic competitiveness, and erode American global energy dominance,” Heinrich told me in an emailed statement. “Trump should end his destructive crusade on affordable energy and start putting the interests of working people first.”
That the impacts and benefits of the IRA are spread between blue and red states speaks to the political calculation of clean energy proponents, hoping that a bill that subsidized solar panels in Texas, battery factories in Georgia, and battery storage in Southern California could bring about a bipartisan alliance to keep it alive. While Congressional Republicans will be scouring the budget for every last dollar to help fund an extension of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, a group of House Republicans have gone on the record in defense of the IRA’s tax credits.
“There's been so much research on the emissions impact of the IRA over the past few years, but there's been comparatively less research on the economic benefits and the household energy benefits,” Orvis said. “And I think that one thing that's become evident in the last year or so is that household energy costs — inflation, fossil fuel prices — those do seem to be more top of mind for Americans.”
Opinion modeling from Heatmap Pro shows that lower utility bills is the number one perceived benefit of renewables in much of the country. The only counties where it isn’t the number one perceived benefit are known for being extremely wealthy, extremely crunchy, or both: Boulder and Denver in Colorado; Multnomah (a.k.a. Portland) in Oregon; Arlington in Virginia; and Chittenden in Vermont.
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The former vice president of the United States joined us at Heatmap House for New York Climate Week.
Former Vice President Al Gore needs no introduction. He is, in a way, the original climate influencer. His film An Inconvenient Truth gave rise to a new wave of climate activism in the 2000s. It was one of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time upon its release, and it won an Oscar, a Grammy, and — for Vice President Gore — a Nobel Peace Prize.
He’s remained active in climate policy since then and leads the Climate Reality Project. He is also an investor and was a longtime director at Apple.
For this episode of Shift Key, Vice President Gore joined Rob for a live conversation at our Heatmap House event, part of New York Climate Week. He reflected on the 20th anniversary of An Inconvenient Truth, the existential risk of artificial intelligence, and what has surprised him most about the evolution of climate politics.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts.
You can also add the show’s RSS feed to your podcast app to follow us directly.
Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: Let’s start by talking about 20 years ago, because 20 years ago, An Inconvenient Truth came out. I recently had cause to revisit the film, and I actually have to confess something. I was very excited when the movie came out, but I don’t think I’ve ever admitted this, and maybe this is the wrong audience to do it to: I was too stressed about climate change to actually watch it. Not that it was a daily anxiety, but I was like, “I can’t. There’s so many other things.” And so I actually watched it for the first time only recently.
I had the book, let’s be clear. I had the book.
Al Gore: A limited confession.
Meyer: Yeah, yeah. It was so fascinating watching it 20 years on, because there are some sections of it that I think you could give today. Not that little has changed — the science hasn’t, of course — but the way people think about it, the way people move from denial to doom, hasn’t changed in some ways. I wondered what surprised you most about the intervening 20 years since the film came out. It received a response that, I don’t know what you were anticipating, but it was certainly on a scale beyond what was expected at the time. And then there’s where we are today.
Gore: Well, when Laurie David first made the suggestion, here in this city, I gave an early version of my slideshow when we were promoting that movie. What was it, The Day After —
Meyer: The Day After Tomorrow?
Gore: The Day After Tomorrow. Was that it? Yeah. And they said, “Well, that’s fiction, isn’t it?” And I said, “Well, it’s not as fictional as the then-current administration was about climate.” But when she said, “This needs to be made into a movie,” I said, “You’re crazy.” As one of the early reviewers said, “Al Gore giving a slideshow — what part of that doesn’t scream hit?” So I was a skeptic about the enterprise, and I was surprised at the reception it got.
Really, the credit belongs to the scientists I was just channeling. The fact that everything they predicted has proven to be basically spot on is a credit to them. For the rest of us, the fact that they were so right then should cause us to pay more attention to what they’re warning us about now.
As for what has surprised me, it’s the ferocity and durability and massive continued financing of climate denial by the fossil fuel industry. There was a time during these last 20 years when they said they were going to be part of the solution, and a couple of them made some good-faith efforts in that direction. But then, like Steve Martin on the old SNL, they went, “Nah.” They decided just to give up the ghost and go full speed ahead on more and more fossil fuels. I think they’re losing as we are winning, but they’re hanging in there.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
Mentioned:
Previously on Shift Key: Energy Secretary Chris Wright on Trump’s Pro-Nuclear, Pro-Fossil Fuel Agenda
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by ...
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Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.
This transcript has been automatically generated.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts.
You can also add the show’s RSS feed to your podcast app to follow us directly.
Robinson Meyer:
It’s Wednesday, September 30th, and this is a special New York Climate Week edition of Shift Key. Last week, Heatmap welcomed climate and energy leaders, experts, and influencers to Heatmap House, our all-day summit in New York City. Among those leaders was former Vice President Al Gore. Vice President Gore needs no introduction. He is, in a way, the original climate influencer. His film, An Inconvenient Truth, gave rise to a new wave of climate activism in the 2000s. It was one of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time when it was released, and it won an Oscar, a Grammy, and, for Vice President Gore, a Nobel Peace Prize. Of course, Gore has remained active in climate policy since then. At the time of our conversation, he’d just returned from Asia, where he was training a new cohort of leaders for his Climate Reality Project. Our conversation came on the 20th anniversary of An Inconvenient Truth. We discussed that film’s legacy, what’s changed since its release, what surprised the vice president the most, and his perhaps surprising thoughts on artificial intelligence. Let’s go to the show. I’m Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News. This conversation was recorded in front of a live audience at Heatmap House at 22 Vanderbilt in New York City on September 23rd. It’s all coming up on Shift Key.
Robinson Meyer:
Vice President Gore!
Al Gore:
Robinson Meyer!
Robinson Meyer:
It’s so good to have you here. Thank you for joining us.
Al Gore:
Great to be here. Thank you for doing the interview.
Robinson Meyer:
Of course. We wanted to have you at Heatmap House for a long time. I know I said this backstage, but thank you so much for joining us. We really appreciate your time.
Al Gore:
Thank you for what you and your colleagues are doing at Heatmap. It’s just an amazing organization.
Robinson Meyer:
So I wanted to start — I have questions, and we will get to them — but I wanted to start by asking how you’re feeling today. It is September 23rd, 2026. It’s been quite a few years. How are you feeling about the climate challenge, about American politics? What’s going on in your heart at the moment?
Al Gore:
Well, those two things are related, of course. But I’m temperamentally optimistic, and I’m specifically optimistic that we are going to solve the climate crisis. We are going to win this. The remaining question is whether we will win it in time to avoid crossing some of these very dangerous negative tipping points: the Gulf Stream, the Amazon flipping into savanna, the ice melt to pace. Greenland is losing 30 million tons of ice every hour right now. But I have an image that, to me, conveys what’s going on in the big picture. I see a very big wheel turning powerfully in the right direction, and inside it, little wheels turning in the opposite direction, but the overall momentum is extremely powerful. I would even say, Robinson, that there is a possibility that we will, in the future, look back on this year of 2026 as the positive tipping point on climate. I say that for a number of reasons. This is the first year that the production of energy from renewable sources has exceeded the overall increase in global energy demand. Some tipping points are rounded at the top; this may be a plateau. But if you look back 20 years, there were virtually no electric vehicles at all, maybe a couple of thousand sold. In 2010, 7,000 EVs were sold worldwide. This year, by the end of the year, 30% of all new cars sold globally will be EVs. Already last month, it was 65% in China, on the way to 82% in the next three or four years. If you look at electric power generation, last year, as you know very well, 86% of all the new capacity installed worldwide was renewable. And here in the U.S., in spite of Donald Trump, it was 92%. 91% — you add rooftop solar, 93% was renewable. If you look at investment, I’ve been saying there’s twice as much investment in renewables as in fossil fuels. Fatih Birol at the IEA is saying it’s almost three times as much now. Twenty years ago, 77% of all electricity was fossil. Now it’s down to a quarter.
Robinson Meyer:
Yeah.
Al Gore:
And there are other similar statistics. I think this movement, which has become the largest grassroots movement in the history of the world, is unstoppable. But it’s the pace, and it’s the fierce resistance, organized and massively funded by the fossil fuel industry, which makes the East India Company look like a popcorn salesman. They’ve achieved hegemonic control of all the policy verticals that affect their attenuating business plan. But we are winning. We need to win faster.
Robinson Meyer:
Let’s start by talking about 20 years ago, because 20 years ago, An Inconvenient Truth came out. I recently had cause to revisit the film, and I actually have to confess something. I was very excited when the movie came out, but I don’t think I’ve ever admitted this, and maybe this is the wrong audience to do it to: I was too stressed about climate change to actually watch it. Not that it was a daily anxiety, but I was like, “I can’t. There’s so many other things.” And so I actually watched it for the first time only recently. I had the book, let’s be clear. I had the book.
Al Gore:
A limited confession.
Robinson Meyer:
Yeah, yeah. It was so fascinating watching it 20 years on, because there are some sections of it that I think you could give today. Not that little has changed — the science hasn’t, of course — but the way people think about it, the way people move from denial to doom, hasn’t changed in some ways. I wondered what surprised you most about the intervening 20 years since the film came out. It received a response that, I don’t know what you were anticipating, but it was certainly on a scale beyond what was expected at the time. And then there’s where we are today.
Al Gore:
Well, when Laurie David first made the suggestion, here in this city, I gave an early version of my slideshow when we were promoting that movie. What was it, The Day After —
Robinson Meyer:
The Day After Tomorrow?
Al Gore:
The Day After Tomorrow. Was that it? Yeah. And they said, “Well, that’s fiction, isn’t it?” And I said, “Well, it’s not as fictional as the then-current administration was about climate.” But when she said, “This needs to be made into a movie,” I said, “You’re crazy.” As one of the early previewers said, “Al Gore giving a slideshow — what part of that doesn’t scream hit?” So I was a skeptic about the enterprise, and I was surprised at the reception it got. Really, the credit belongs to the scientists I was just channeling. The fact that everything they predicted has proven to be basically spot on is a credit to them. For the rest of us, the fact that they were so right then should cause us to pay more attention to what they’re warning us about now. As for what has surprised me, it’s the ferocity and durability and massive continued financing of climate denial by the fossil fuel industry. There was a time during these last 20 years when they said they were going to be part of the solution, and a couple of them made some good-faith efforts in that direction. But then, like Steve Martin on the old SNL, they went, “Nah.” They decided just to give up the ghost and go full speed ahead on more and more fossil fuels. I think they’re losing as we are winning, but they’re hanging in there.
Robinson Meyer:
Why do you think they — ? Since 2006, we’ve seen almost two cycles of climate policymaking in the U.S. There was the first Obama administration, when we didn’t get cap and trade, but the EPA regulations eventually came out, the car structure —
Al Gore:
And the Paris Agreement.
Robinson Meyer:
And the Paris Agreement, of course. And then the first Trump administration, and then the IRA, which I want to talk about in a second. But during that time, fossil fuel companies did make this move, as you said, toward at least appearing to be part of the solution, and then they backed off. What do you think caused them to back off? Was it a lack of subject-area expertise? Was it that, at the time, the technologies weren’t as profitable as their fuels, and they needed to fit into an investment mix in which they are always supplying this kind of outsized fossil fuel profitability?
Al Gore:
Well, I think it’s been, in some ways, the tyranny of short-term profits taking over their business model. And in order to solve the climate crisis, we’re going to have to pay attention to the democracy crisis. The compound ideology of democratic capitalism has served us well in many respects, but when the Berlin Wall came down and communism collapsed, there was a surge of triumphalism in the capitalist part of that sphere. Something similar happened when the fossil fuel companies faced pressure. You could earn a little bit more in the short term if you just went faster on fossil fuels. But something interesting has happened this year, and this is another reason why I think there’s a real possibility of a positive tipping point. I hate to turn my back on you guys over here. The war in Iran marks the second time in four years that the fossil fuel supply chain has been disrupted, and price volatility has returned. People around the world have reacted to this in a really dramatic way. In the last six months, 50 countries have doubled their share of EVs in their fleet. We saw the president of Korea say, and I’m paraphrasing, “This shows us we have got to speed up this transition away from fossil fuels.” Thailand just announced a big shift from LNG to solar. In Africa, where they were really not participating in the solar revolution a few years ago, they’re now installing 100,000 panels per day. These are signs that this thing is really moving into high gear.
Robinson Meyer:
I think it’s undercut the idea that fossil fuels, especially for countries without fossil fuel resources domestically, are a long-term, secure investment in your energy security. They’re not.
Al Gore:
Yeah. Look at their three —
Robinson Meyer:
Or at least oil and gas. I think coal is going to be a whole other problem.
Al Gore:
Yeah. Twenty years ago, the U.S. got 49% of its electricity from coal. Today, that’s down to 16%. Mike Bloomberg and the Sierra Club deserve a lot of the credit for that. But when I say the fossil fuel industry is losing, they know they’re losing, and they’re trying to slow down how quickly they lose. If you look at their three biggest markets, power generation is number one, and as I’ve already said, with 86% of all the new build last year being renewables, they’re losing that. Transportation is their second biggest source. The internal combustion engine peaked nine years ago, and since 2017, sales have gone down 25%, while EV sales have gone up 1,500%. Their third market is petrochemicals, which is now actually driving the oil part of the market, because 75% of petrochemicals is plastics. They’re projecting a tripling of plastics production by 2035. How’s that going to work for the rest of us, when microplastics are already in our bodies? In the oceans, the rivers, the roadsides. That’s why the fossil fuel companies have been so energetic in tearing apart the UN negotiations on a plastics treaty, and why they’ve blown up the shipping treaty negotiations. Forty percent of all shipping in the entire world, by mass, is lugging fossil fuels around. They see these trends, and they’re desperately telling their bigger, long-term investors, “Stay with us. Please stay with us.” They’re screaming about capital availability. I think they’re really desperate, and that’s why they’ve pulled out all the stops.
Robinson Meyer:
The destruction of the shipping treaty was interesting, because it was not merely anonymous fossil fuel actors. It was the Trump administration coming in and specifically blowing up those negotiations.
Al Gore:
Well, he told them during the campaign, very famously. One of his jujitsu superpowers is saying the corrupt part out loud, so people think, “Well, he said it publicly. It couldn’t be corrupt.” He’s by far the most corrupt president in all of history. And he said to the fossil fuel executives at Mar-a-Lago, you know the video, “Give me a billion dollars, and I’ll do whatever you want.” That transaction was made, and he’s following through on it.
Robinson Meyer:
What do you make of the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act? For those of us who were involved in climate, especially in the late 2010s, there was a feeling that climate should be a bigger part of politics and a bigger part of the Democratic Party’s policymaking agenda. And then a Democratic president did that. President Biden’s reconciliation bill was the IRA. I can’t say the electorate responded in an overwhelmingly positive way, and then, of course, the Trump administration has repealed aspects of the bill. So what did you make of this broader saga, where climate finally became a topic of legislating in the United States, and yet it seemed like voters maybe couldn’t care?
Al Gore:
Well, I think they did care. I think they didn’t see the implementation of that act in time to make any difference in their lives. And I think the whole movement that went by the label “abundance” came in part from frustration about all of the obstacles and difficulties that the administration encountered when they tried to implement it. Maybe there were some design flaws, but I’m not going to criticize that. I think they did the best they could. If you look at the charging stations for electric vehicles, for example, it was such a disappointment that hardly any of them got built. Now it’s coming on very strong. But I think the delays in implementation were a big part of that. They tried to portray it skillfully. After all, it wasn’t called the Climate Act; it was called the Inflation Reduction Act. But the people never saw on the ground the benefits to them personally. One other thing, if I could. Decades ago, I learned a lesson from my father, who was in the United States Senate. This is sort of elementary stuff these days, but he said, “Son, when there is a piece of legislation that benefits the broad public interest, the broad public is often barely aware of it. But if it has a negative impact on a small group, they are intensely interested and obsessed with it, and they work really hard to get rid of it.” When the IRA was passed, the fossil fuel industry went to work to try to block its implementation. And by the way, some of the provisions that have been blocked are being unblocked by the courts. That is also a process that takes time. And to all the lawyers for environmental groups, some of them here: thank you for what you’re doing.
Robinson Meyer:
I want to hit two more things quickly. Is this an issue that you think ordinary voters will come around on, that the mass of the electorate will see the light on? Or is climate change going to be one of these issues that a small group of dedicated activists, officials, and experts work on for a long time, making progress in the background, until eventually we’re in a much better place than we are now?
Al Gore:
No, I think it’s the former rather than the latter. I see this climate struggle in the context of the other morally based challenges that humanity has confronted in the past. You look back at the abolition movement, the movement to give equal rights to women, the struggle for civil rights, especially in the South, the struggle to give gays and lesbians equal dignity, the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Nelson Mandela, after 27 years in prison, said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” What all of those movements had in common, first of all, is that there were times when the advocates felt deep despair, but they kept on going. The other thing they had in common is that when the underbrush of argumentation and false cases was cleared away, when the central issue was finally revealed as a clear choice between right and wrong, then — because of who we are, I would say because of the way God made us — the outcome became foreordained. When we have a clear choice between right and wrong that affects everyone, we do respond. We’re hardwired by evolution to respond instinctively to the kinds of threats that our ancient ancestors encountered and survived. If a snake came across this floor here, we would clear out without a second’s delay. A much bigger threat that has to be perceived through the use of our reasoning capacity — we are capable of that as well, but it’s not instinctual. It requires reflection, it requires communication, and it requires collective action. We are capable of that. That is why we’re going to win. That is now occurring, and Mother Nature is the most powerful advocate, changing opinions and firming up the conviction that we have to do something about this. One final point on this, if I could. These kinds of movements build slowly, but then they begin to capture everybody. And I think we’re seeing a big acceleration of progress right now.
Robinson Meyer:
What do you make of the current set of fears about artificial intelligence? To some degree, it resembles the existential fears that people have had about climate change for a long time. I think there are also separate fears that it could be slowing down decarbonization. What do you make of this new set of concerns around AI? Are you worried about the existential risk from AI? Do you think it’s going to be good for the climate eventually?
Al Gore:
When I was young, I remember when the first Godzilla movie came out. After a few sequels, the producers discovered that maybe there were some other prehistoric creatures that were also awakened by the nuclear testing. And then we got movies called Godzilla vs. Mothra and Godzilla vs. Rodan. I think the climate crisis versus artificial intelligence is a little bit in that category. If you look at the list of concerns about data centers and artificial intelligence more broadly, the emissions are a problem of concern but not a justification for panic. You could take all of the AI data centers in the world and quadruple the number, and their total emissions would still be a fraction of the emissions from uncovered landfills around the world. That is a point of leverage for activists concerned about AI, but it’s not the biggest concern. I think that cognitive atrophy, and the emergence of an intelligence that makes us no longer the apex intelligence on the planet, is a cause for very, very deep concern. They have something else in common. Donald Trump has called both of the concerns hoaxes, which is a clear sign we need to be concerned about them. When he says the climate crisis is a hoax, it’s sort of like his AI slop. You immediately know that it’s nonsense and false, but it has an impact nonetheless. And we’ve already had an experience with AI in its first generation, in the form of the algorithms that direct attention flows on the internet. Look at what that’s done. My goodness. It’s just crazy. A lot of guys now have to swipe left 1,000 times to get one cup of coffee with a girl. Body image problems with young girls. And the rabbit holes that suck people down. You know what’s at the bottom of the rabbit hole? That’s where the echo chamber is. And when you spend too long in the echo chamber, you face another kind of AI: artificial insanity. That’s where QAnon comes from, and that is what sustains climate denial, again funded lavishly by the fossil fuel interests. On any story about climate, you click on the comment section and it’s always — you know this — stuffed with anti-climate memes and falsehoods, or zombie falsehoods. Orwell said in one of his essays that we as human beings are capable of holding onto a false belief indefinitely, even when it is completely proven to be false to any reasonable person. And then as he continued impudently twisting words to make it seem we were right all along, he said, “The only problem is that eventually a false belief collides with a solid reality, comma, usually on a battlefield.” So we are now on a battlefield, in Iran and in the Persian Gulf and at the mouth of the Red Sea. Again, this has further awakened the concern that yes, we have to address this. On the emissions side of artificial intelligence, just briefly: Nick Stern at the London School of Economics and the Grantham Institute published a very influential study a few months ago showing that the emissions reductions from AI are going to be quite substantial. Unfortunately, it’s also going to supercharge the discovery of more fossil fuel assets, and that will offset it to some extent. But I think it can bring some net benefits in that regard. But we need to watch for cognitive atrophy. Fifteen-year-olds are reading at 14-year-old levels now. Kids are doing their homework faster but doing worse on testing. There’s cognitive atrophy, cognitive surrender, cognitive offload, and cognitive foreclosure. Kids at the age when they’re learning the reasoning skills that all of us learned when we were younger — if they don’t learn those in the same way, that’s one of many serious challenges from the advanced pioneer models. And of course, now that they’re breaking out of their confinement, it reminds me of Jurassic Park, where the velociraptors are testing the electric fences, you know?
Robinson Meyer:
I like this mode of existential risk as Godzilla and Mothra and Nadir. I think this is a good way to think about it. We need to get you on Shift Key, Heatmap’s podcast. Unfortunately, we’re going to have to leave it there, but thank you so much for joining us.
Al Gore:
Thank you, Robinson. Thank you all very much.
Oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway, seem to be returning to normal.
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For the first decade of my professional career, the U.S. economy was defined largely by its deficiencies. Employment lagged for years after the Great Recession, especially for non-college-educated men in their prime earning years. Money was free or cheap to borrow. Even after the housing market had recovered, economic activity remained moribund.
Americans hated it, and politicians proposed various schemes to backfill the gap. One of these ideas was the Green New Deal — a once-in-a-generation investment in clean energy and low-carbon infrastructure that would put Americans back to work and deploy the economy’s spare capacity for the public good.
How things have changed: The main story of the American economy today is one of constraints. On Tuesday, yields on 30-year Treasury bonds reached their highest level since 2002, meaning the federal government’s long-term borrowing costs are higher than they’ve been at any point since I was in elementary school. Electricity demand is surging, and global stockpiles of gasoline, diesel fuel, and crude oil are in short supply. No wonder, then, that many of the inputs to the energy system — such as transformers or natural gas turbines — remain expensive or in short supply. Or that the inflation rate remains stuck higher than 3%.
What’s funny is that Americans still hate it. Consumer confidence fell last month to its lowest level since 2014, according to new Conference Board data released on Tuesday. You can chock that up to oil prices, which have climbed since Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz in March. But there’s a deeper mystery going on, too — the economy is picking up, hiring is increasing, and the U.S. is experiencing a physical investment boom of a scale not seen in decades.
It’s not what I would have predicted back in the 2010s. Talking to a fellow policy nerd at a Climate Week event in New York on Thursday, we joked that we all owe an apology to Boomer politicians, who had once seemed inordinately obsessed with the 1970s. It turns out that Americans really do despise inflation above all else, even when it accompanies robust economic growth.
On that front, there are two interesting developments. The first is that America is seemingly succeeding in its battle to wrench the Strait of Hormuz back open in its ongoing war with Iran.
In recent days, more than 10 million barrels of oil have exited the Strait of Hormuz on tankers accompanied by U.S. Navy ships, according to the ship tracking data provider Kpler. Another 6 million barrels have left through other routes. Last year, about 20 million barrels of crude oil were shipped through the strait each day, according to the International Energy Agency.
That could eventually help lower some fossil fuel costs — at enormous cost, of course, to the American public — but it will not happen quickly. Global refinery capacity remains constrained, and future diesel prices are much higher now than they were when the war began. This means diesel prices could likely stay stubbornly high for some time, helping China’s effort to electrify its heavy-duty truck fleet and even providing some tailwind for Tesla’s new Semi truck, if it ever gets released.
The second development is that the Senate seems to be moving ahead with permitting reform. The bipartisan team that has been negotiating the deal announced a deal late on Monday (as my colleague Alexander Kaufman detailed in Heatmap AM), and the lawmakers will hold a press conference on Wednesday where they’ll release bill text. Senate leadership seems to be eyeing a vote on the legislation after the midterm election. That bill — if the deal is a good one — could theoretically help grow the power grid, loosen some of the constraints on the clean energy economy, and make it easier to build new kinds of public infrastructure.
But we’ll know more when we see it — and we’ll see it soon. We’ll be covering the deal on Wednesday and, I’m sure, for many weeks to come.