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Tech companies, developers, and banks are converging behind “flexible loads.”

Electricity prices are up by over 5% so far this year — more than twice the overall rate of inflation — while utilities have proposed $29 billion worth of rate hikes so far this year, compared to $12 billion last year, according to electricity policy research group PowerLines. At the same time, new data centers are sprouting up everywhere as tech giants try to outpace each other — and their Chinese rivals — in the race to develop ever more advanced (and energy hungry) artificial intelligence systems, with hundreds of billions of dollars of new investments still in the pipeline.
You see the problem here?
In the PJM Interconnection, America’s largest electricity market which includes Virginia’s “data center alley” as part of its 13-state territory, some 30 gigawatts of a projected 32 total gigawatts of load growth through 2030 are expected to come from data centers.
“The onrush of demand has created significant upward pricing pressure and has raised future resource adequacy concerns,” David Mills, the chair of PJM’s board of managers, said in a letter last week announcing the beginning of a process to look into the issues raised by large load interconnection — i.e. getting data centers on the grid without exploding costs for other users of the grid or risking blackouts.
Customers in PJM are paying the price already, as increasingly scarce capacity has translated into upward-spiraling payments to generators, which then show up on retail electricity bills. New large loads can raise costs still further by requiring grid upgrades to accommodate the increased demand for power — costs that get passed down to all ratepayers. PJM alone has announced over $10 billion in transmission upgrades, according to research by Johns Hopkins scholar Abraham Silverman. “These new costs are putting significant upward pressure on customer bills,” Silverman wrote in a report with colleagues Suzanne Glatz and Mahala Lahvis, released in June.
“There’s increasing recognition that the path we’re on right now is not long-term sustainable,” Silverman told me when we spoke this week about the report. “Costs are increasing too fast. The amount of infrastructure we need to build is too much. We need to prioritize, and we need to make this data center expansion affordable for consumers. Right now it’s simply not. You can’t have multi-billion-dollar rate increases year over year.”
While it’s not clear precisely what role existing data center construction has played in electricity bill increases on a nationwide scale, rising electricity rates will likely become a political problem wherever and whenever they do hit, with data centers being the most visible manifestation of the pressures on the grid.
Charles Hua, the founder and executive director of PowerLines, called data centers “arguably the most important topic in energy,” but cautioned that outside of specific demonstrable instances (e.g. in PJM), linking them to utility rate increases can be “a very oversimplified narrative.” The business model for vertically integrated utilities can incentivize them to over-invest in local transmission, Hua pointed out. And even without new data center construction, the necessity of replacing and updating an aging grid would remain.
Still, the connection between large new sources of demand and higher prices is pretty easy to draw: Electricity grids are built to accommodate peak demand, while the bills customers receive are based on a combination of the fixed cost of maintaining the grid for everyone and the cost of the energy itself, therefore higher peak demand and more grid maintenance equals higher bills.
But what if data centers could use the existing transmission and generation system and not add to peak generation? That’s the promise of load flexibility.
If data centers could commit to not requiring power at times of extremely high demand, they could essentially piggyback on existing grid infrastructure. Widely cited research by Tyler Norris, Tim Profeta, Dalia Patino-Echeverri, and Adam Cowie-Haskell of Duke University demonstrated that curtailing large loads for as little as 0.5% of their annual uptime (177 hours of curtailment annually on average, with curtailment typically lasting just over two hours) could allow almost 100 gigawatts of new demand to connect to the grid without requiring extensive, costly upgrades.
The groundswell behind flexibility has rapidly gained institutional credibility. Last week, Google announced that it had reached deals with two utilities, Indiana Michigan Power and the Tennessee Valley Authority, to incorporate flexibility into how their data centers run. The Indiana Michigan Power contract will “allow [Google] to reduce or shift electricity demand to carry out non-urgent tasks during hours when the electric grid is under less stress,” the utility said.
Google has long been an innovator in energy procurement — it famously pioneered the power purchase agreement structure that has helped finance many a renewable energy development — and already has its fingers in many pots when it comes to grid flexibility. The company’s chief scientist, Jeff Dean, is an investor in Emerald AI, a software company that promises to help data centers work flexibly, while its urbanism-focused spinout Sidewalk Infrastructure Partners has backed Verrus, a demand-flexible data center developer.
Hyperscale developers aren’t the only big fish excited about data center flexibility. Financiers are, as well.
Goldman Sachs released a splashy report this week that cited Norris extensively (plus Heatmap). Data center flexibility promises to be a win-win-win, according to Goldman (which, of course, would love to finance an AI boom unhindered by higher retail electricity rates or long interconnection queues for new generation). “What if, thanks to curtailment, instead of overwhelming the grid, AI data centers became the shock absorbers that finally unlocked this stranded capacity?” the report asks.
The holy grail for developers and flexibility is not just saving money on electricity, which is a small cost compared to procuring advanced chips to train and run AI models. The real win would be to build new data centers faster. “Time to market is critical for AI companies,” the Goldman analysts wrote.
But creating a system where data centers can connect to the grid sooner if they promise to be flexible about power consumption would require immense institutional change for states, utilities, regulators, and power markets.
“We really don’t have existing service tiers in place for most jurisdictions that acknowledges and incentivizes flexible loads and plans around them,” Norris told me.
When I talked to Silverman, he told me that integrating flexibility into local decision-making could mean rewriting state utility regulations to allow a special pathway for data centers. It could also involve making local or state tax incentives contingent on flexibility.
Whatever the new structure looks like, the point is to “enshrine a policy that says, ‘data centers are different,’ and we are going to explicitly recognize those differences and tailor rules to data centers,” Silverman said. He pointed specifically to a piece of legislation in New Jersey that he consulted on, which would have utilities and regulators work together to come up with specific rate structures for data centers.
Norris also pointed to a proposal in the Southwest Power Pool, which runs down the spine of the country from the Dakotas to Louisiana, which would allow large loads like data centers to connect to the grid quickly “with the tradeoff of potential curtailment during periods of system stress to protect regional reliability,” the transmission organization said.
And there’s still more legal and regulatory work to be done before hyperscalers can take full advantage of those incentives, Norris told me. Utilities and their data center customers would have to come up with a rate structure that incorporates flexibility and faster interconnection, where more flexibility can allow for quicker timelines.
Speed is of the essence — not just to be able to link up more data centers, but also to avoid a political firestorm around rising electricity rates. There’s already a data center backlash brewing: The city of Tucson earlier this month rejected an Amazon facility in a unanimous city council vote, taken in front of a raucous, cheering crowd. Communities in Indiana, a popular location for data center construction, have rejected several projects.
The drama around PJM may be a test case for the rest of the country. After its 2024 capacity auction jumped came in at $15 billion, up from just over $2 billion the year before, complaints from Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro led to a price cap on future auctions. PJM’s chief executive said in April that he would resign by the end of this year. A few months later, PJM’s next capacity auction hit the price cap.
“You had every major publication writing that AI data centers are causing electricity prices to spike” after the PJM capacity auction, Norris told me. “They lost that public relations battle.”
With more flexibility, there’s a chance for data center developers to tell a more positive story about how they affect the grid.
“It’s not just about avoiding additional costs,” Norris said. “There’s this opportunity that if you can mitigate additional cost, you can put downward cost on rates.” That’s almost putting things generously — data center developers might not have a choice.
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The administration told a federal court that it has a “new analytical methodology,” hence the continued delays.
A federal judge ruled in early August that the Trump administration’s freeze on vertical height clearances for wind turbines was likely illegal. More than a month later nearly all of the wind energy projects remain on pause, as federal officials add new red tape that industry representatives say runs afoul of the court’s edict.
Let’s catch-up quickly on the American wind sector’s existential dilemma: the federal government has control over airspace higher than 200 feet from the ground and wind farm turbines essentially always enter that sphere of control. For at least a year and a half, the Trump administration through the Department of Defense and the Federal Aviation Administration has slowly gummed up what industry and former government officials have said was once a rote, benign bureaucratic process for ensuring turbine rotation didn’t interfere with flight patterns or radar at nearby airports.
So, Trump is delaying key approvals even for wind projects on private land, a worst-case scenario for the industry during his presidency. With support from their respective trade groups, many project developers sued and in August won a preliminary injunction against this de-facto national wind energy freeze. The court ruling said federal law laid out clear deadlines for completing these airspace reviews and the administration was willfully missing them.
“[In] light of DoD’s review freeze that started a year ago and still has no end in sight, the wind developers would naturally look to the same deadlines for relief,” U.S. District Judge Karin Immergut wrote, stating the administration’s pause violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Immergut also said the Trump administration potentially violated the law by reviewing projects under a new national security “methodology” that was defined by Congress.
But on Thursday, in its first update to the court since the ruling, the Justice Department laid out how essentially all projects remain at a standstill because they were adopting a new kind of comprehensive review process.
The administration claimed that “as a matter of policy” it had “resumed processing wind energy project applications,” but it only described a single instance where a company had heard from the military about moving forward. In addition, that company as well as all others affected by the freeze would still face a “new analytical methodology” for federal agencies reviewing height clearances for all projects, which appears to fly in the face of the ruling. The Justice Department did not provide any more detail about the methodology in its status update to the court.
Nicole Hughes, executive director of lead plaintiff Renewable Northwest, asserted in an interview Tuesday that the agency isn’t complying with the court order. “It appears to me they’re still stalling,” Hughes told me, adding the federal government’s reluctance to proceed is creating “a pretty high risk” for developers of any new wind projects in the United States. She said if nothing changes in the short term, they’re going to “have to go back to the judge and ask for further clarification as to what it means to comply with this order.”
“The lack of compliance by the administration does put into question the credibility [of the courts] and what pieces hold their feet to the fire? What remedies do we have? There’s never been a time an administration flaunts a judge’s orders the way the administration is.”
The Justice Department status update described a multitude of wind energy projects impacted by the freeze. At least 30 projects apparently already signed deals proposed by the military to mitigate radar impacts and were awaiting a counter-signature from the Department of Defense (which Trump calls the Department of War or DoW). Those previous legal agreements are now at risk of being thrown out, according to the Justice Department filing. The new pathway forward for them apparently is: “DoW will either (i) provide a notice that the project presents an unacceptable risk to national security, (ii) re-engage in negotiations with the developer to attempt to ameliorate any unacceptable risks, or (iii) circulate to the project proponent [a] new model mitigation agreement.”
At least 110 projects were in the middle of discussions with the federal government about mitigating airspace impacts when the injunction came down, according to the DOJ filing, which says none of them have heard from officials since the injunction. “As of this filing, developer re-engagements have yet to begin because such discussions need to be informed by the analytical results. Given the number of projects in this category, DoW has been assessing how to resume review and engagement with the developers.”
The DOJ said another 50 projects awaiting initial meetings with the federal government about airspace risk will begin once the administration “finishes with those” 110 projects that were in the middle of the process. That waiting list will also include another at least 40 projects the Justice Department said received “presumed risk” airspace notices from the federal government.
We’ve seen the Trump administration use extralegal means to delay wind energy before, but never to this extent or after a judge ruled against them. The Interior Department had been freezing wind and solar projects on federal lands under a policy requiring Secretary Doug Burgum sign off on routine approvals, but those typical government processes seem like they’ve resumed after a different federal court ruling enjoining that policy.
American Clean Power, the largest utility-scale solar and wind energy trade group, declined to comment. The Department of Defense did not respond to a request for comment.
CleanCounts is announcing new hourly matching credits, among other “enhancements.”
Renewable energy certificates, or RECS — the credits that companies buy in order to make claims that their operations “run on renewable energy” — are getting more sophisticated.
CleanCounts, a nonprofit that runs one of the biggest registries for RECs in North America, announced on Wednesday that it now has the capability to issue certificates tied to the exact hour the renewable energy was produced, opening the door to more reality-based clean energy claims. For companies that want to match their renewable energy purchases to the hours when their factories and stores are actually consuming power, “that was a critical piece of infrastructure that was missing,” Benjamin Gerber, the CEO of CleanCounts, told me.
The company also announced “additional enhancements” to its registry that will enable a wider range of new REC products, from certificates tied to “pollinator-friendly solar,” to projects owned by indigenous Tribes, to “low-impact hydropower” projects that mitigate harm to fish. Gerber said he thinks having a system to track and verify these benefits will help companies tell a different story about the infrastructure they are building, and in so doing help turn the tide of public support.
Traditionally, a REC represents a megawatt-hour of electricity that has been generated by a renewable energy source such as wind, solar, geothermal, or moving water. The generator records every megawatt-hour it produces with a registry like CleanCounts, which issues certificates; companies then buy these certificates, either in advance under power purchase agreements or after the fact in the spot market. The registry then “retires” the certificates once the REC buyer chooses to “use” it to make a clean energy claim. Registries ensure that nobody is counting the same megawatt-hour more than once.
Today, a lot of corporations simply match their annual energy consumption with certificates. If they anticipate consuming 100 megawatts, they might buy 100 megawatts of solar RECs — even if their factories operate at night — and then claim they “run on 100% renewable energy.” Critics argue these types of claims mislead the public and tip the scales toward the cheapest renewable sources — i.e. solar and wind — rather than those that can generate energy in the off-hours, such as batteries, geothermal, and nuclear. Many clean energy advocates want to see companies move toward making more specific claims about the number of hours they run on renewable energy.
Google got behind this idea several years ago, pledging to match its consumption with clean energy on a 24/7 basis. CleanCounts piloted a method with Google to issue the company hourly RECs, but to do so it had to basically reverse engineer the certificates, embedding data regarding the time the energy was produced after the fact. That made it complicated to true up a company’s energy consumption data with its REC purchases and say, “we covered X number of hours with clean energy.”
Now, CleanCounts will be able to specifically issue a credit for “1 megawatt-hour produced Wednesday, September 16, at 9:00 a.m.,” for example, making it far easier for companies to adopt an hourly matching strategy.
“Instead of breaking it apart, they're basically issuing it as an already granularized tradable certificate,” Alex Piper, the head of policy at EnergyTag, a nonprofit that advocates for hourly matching, told me. “Which is what is new and exciting, and opens the door for more liquid transactions and a broader and more impactful marketplace.”
Hourly matching is not exactly popular in the corporate sustainability world. A lot of companies and sustainability consultants argue that accounting for their energy on an hourly basis will be too complicated, too expensive, and ultimately crater the corporate clean energy market. Corporations are in a showdown with EnergyTag and other proponents of hourly matching to convince the Greenhouse Gas Protocol, a nonprofit that sets standards for corporate carbon accounting, of their case.
The new CleanCounts product solves at least one of those challenges, making hourly clean energy procurement much simpler.
That might also reap benefits in the form of consumer trust. New polling from EnergyTag and YouGov found that Americans tend to agree that companies shouldn’t claim to use solar at night. When asked, “When should a company count as a clean energy user?” 45% of respondents selected “only when their clean energy supply matches the hours they actually use electricity,” while 22% chose “when their clean energy averages out over the year (i.e. daytime solar covering nighttime usage.)” Just under a third of the 1,292 respondents selected “don’t know.”
Even if companies start buying hourly RECs, however, another challenge will be figuring out how to tell their customers, most of whom have no idea what a REC is. For years, companies have simply advertised that they are 100% renewable. What will it take to convince customers that actually, “We use clean energy about half the time we operate” is a more laudable claim?
Current conditions: Severe storms are drenching a broad swath of the Midwest with heavy rain from Des Moines to Fort Wayne • Intense downpours put all 76 of Thailand’s provinces, or changwat, on a five-day flooding alert, ending on Sunday • Tropical Storm Dujuan has strengthened in the Pacific en route to Japan.

The Trump administration has narrowed the federal government’s interpretation of the Endangered Species Act to only consider intentional targeting of protected animals illegal. The move, part of what The New York Times called “a seismic shift” in the application of one of the nation’s bedrock conservation laws, would essentially free energy companies from the need to, for example, invest in infrastructure to keep migratory birds from making deadly landings in ponds of oil and gas slurry. Killing endangered animals “almost always happens incidentally, in the course of economic activity,” the newspaper noted. It’s unclear whether the legal change would also apply to one of the industries President Donald Trump most frequently antagonizes for its accidental killing of birds: the wind industry.
When President Donald Trump announced an energy truce between Ukraine and Russia, he promised that a halt to attacks on pipelines and refineries would lower prices on diesel worldwide, insisting the Iran War wasn’t to blame. But half of Russia’s six top diesel-producing refineries were forced to significantly cut back or completely stop production this month due to damage from Ukrainian drone attacks, according to a Reuters analysis published Wednesday. Russian President Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, is making a $135 billion bet on Arctic oil that OilPrice.com suggested “could save his Ukraine war.”
U.S. energy companies, meanwhile, are storming into a country in America’s backyard that — unlike the Kremlin’s attempt at a blitzkrieg capture of Kyiv’s leaders in 2022 — successfully decapitated a rebellious regime and reasserted Washington’s regional dominance. I’m talking, of course, about Venezuela. Harold Hamm, the oil tycoon behind the U.S. shale boom, told the Heartlander News yesterday that his company had signed a tentative agreement to explore one of the South American nation’s oil fields. New York-based Heeney Capital is eyeing a gold mine in Venezuela, per Reuters. Bloomberg reported that the company is also looking to ship aluminum from Venezuela to the U.S. Exxon Mobil, meanwhile, is “nearing a preliminary deal” to invest in Venezuela oil, according to The Wall Street Journal.
The Federal Reserve raised the benchmark federal interest rate by a quarter point Wednesday. The U.S. central bank’s first rate change since Chairman Kevin Warsh took over in May, and its first rate hike since 2023, will bring the federal funds rate to between 3.75% and 4%. The increase could make raising capital “more difficult” for “capital-intensive renewable and clean energy industries,” my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote yesterday.
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Lawmakers in the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed the first major bill to curb the costs of the AI boom with legislation Politico described as “intended to shield Americans from potential energy costs associated with data centers.” The Ratepayer Protection Act passed in a 417 to 3 vote. The bipartisan win hands the GOP a victory ahead of the November election on one of the issues firing up voters the most. The bill would require states to consider a federal standard guaranteeing that large power consumers pay for 100% of the costs of new generation and transmission upgrades, but falls short of a direct mandate.
Meanwhile, the House split along partisan lines for another bill on California’s right to regulate pollution more strictly than the federal government. The chamber voted 216 to 211 to bar California from setting strict new limits on air pollution from ships docked at the state’s ports, marking what The New York Times called “the latest salvo by Republicans against the state’s pioneering environmental policies.” The move comes after Congress last year banned Sacramento from imposing a ban on gasoline-powered vehicles by 2035.
One of the most significant nuclear stock market debuts of the past few years has hit a major hiccup. On Wednesday night, Holtec Nuclear Corporation suspended plans for an initial public offering, citing “market conditions.” Bloomberg and Reuters first reported the postponement, which I confirmed with Holtec last night. “Holtec will continue to evaluate the timing of the offering in the future,” the company told me. With plans to restart a nuclear reactor for the first time in U.S. history in the coming months, Holtec is the only company likely to bring (somewhat) new atomic electricity onto the grid before 2030. The company owns several other decommissioning nuclear plants, where it plans to build its own in-house small modular reactors.
Another major player in the burgeoning nuclear market, meanwhile, hit a major regulatory milestone. Blue Energy, a developer that bills itself as “agnostic” to reactor technologies, is instead focused on building facilities that will initially run on gas and eventually transition to reactors, with GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s BWRX-300 — the closest rival to Holtec’s SMR-300 — centering in those plans at the moment. On Wednesday, Blue Energy submitted its application for a construction permit to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for its inaugural gas-to-nuclear project in Port of Victoria, Texas. The submission makes Blue Energy one of just five companies so far to ask the NRC for permission to begin building. “This is serious work done by serious people for a serious project,” Blue Energy CEO Jake Jurewicz said in a statement. “This is another huge step towards building the world’s first gas-to-nuclear power plant and proving the Blue Energy approach to build nuclear in the safest, quickest, and most scalable way possible.”
The wine-dark sea is getting more briny. As its temperatures rise faster than the global ocean surface average, the Mediterranean Sea is growing saltier. The upper 100 meters of the sea between Europe and Africa have been about 2 degrees Celsius warmer than their 1950 to 1999 average, according to a study published in Geophysical Research Letters. “For us, what was alarming was the rate at which this is changing and the depths that such significant changes reach,” Elena Terzić, a physical oceanographer at the Ruđer Bošković Institute and lead author of the study, told Bloomberg. “The warming and salinification are statistically significant down to three or four thousand meters, and the speed-up itself reaches down to about 2,500 meters.”