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As wildfires spread through the Los Angeles area, one resident of a tony neighborhood made a desperate plea for help on social media. “Does anyone have access to private firefighters to protect our home in Pacific Palisades?” asked Keith Wasserman on X. “Will pay any amount.” The reaction was predictable: Some users expressed their wish that Wasserman’s house would burn down, while others found earlier tweets in which he had cheered Donald Trump’s pledges to lower taxes, and even once said “Real estate ballers don’t pay any taxes!”
It’s hard to feel too much sympathy for a rich guy getting what looks like a pointed object lesson in the necessity of universal services: If you’re disappointed that the government wasn’t able to save your house in a disaster, perhaps you should reconsider your advocacy for lowering the taxes that fund things like the fire department. But once we get the mockery out of our systems, perhaps we should approach Mr. Wasserman and his like-minded peers with a more open heart, and see this particular disaster as an opportunity to convince more people like him that we’re all in the path of the same threats.
Because like it or not, addressing climate change requires the help of the wealthy — not just a small number of megadonors to environmental organizations, but the rich as a class. The more they understand that their money will not insulate them from the effects of a warming planet, the more likely they are to be allies in the climate fight, and vital ones at that.
As of this writing the fires in Los Angeles are still burning, but it already appears that they could be among the costliest in history, not because of their size but because they are reducing some of the priciest real estate in America to ashes. It’s another vivid lesson in a truth more people need to learn: Climate change will affect everyone, no matter how much money you have.
Yes, those most affected will be people without resources, who live in vulnerable areas they can’t easily flee, and who are unable to harden their homes and communities against the most destructive effects of warming. Those with the lowest incomes feel the brunt of climate change in multiple ways.
But there’s a difference between being less vulnerable and being invulnerable. There are only so many times you can rebuild your beach house, only so many private firefighters you can hire, and only so often you can turn up the air conditioning. We saw in Asheville how a place believed to be a “climate haven” turned out to be just as susceptible to natural disaster as anywhere else. In the end, climate change comes for us all. And experiencing a climate-related event has a significant impact on whether people both accept the reality of climate change and prioritize it as a political issue.
The more wealthy people believe that climate change is a threat to them and support policies that mitigate emissions, the better the chances that those policies will be translated into law. A number of studies by political scientists in recent years have shown that the policy preferences of the wealthy are more likely to prevail; it’s one of those findings that no one is surprised by, but it’s useful to have it demonstrated empirically. The wealthy are more politically active, donate more money, and are generally treated by politicians as though they cannot be ignored.
So while mass mobilization is a key component of successful movements, it doesn’t hurt to have rich people on your side, too. Surveys already show that higher-income voters are somewhat more likely to support policies to address climate change, though the differences are not that large. And if increasing numbers of them decide that the government has to institute more climate-friendly policies, wealthier voters might even put pressure on the party that usually represents their interests as a class: the GOP.
Admittedly, getting the wealthy to unite with the rest of us in common purpose will not be easy. One of the primary functions of wealth is to insulate the privileged from negative externalities of existence, both large and small. It separates them from ordinary people and the ordinary headaches of life. The wealthy glide through the world as though on a moving walkway, exempted from having to wait in lines or get their hands dirty or spend time worrying about their vulnerability. And they often use their political influence to insulate themselves even further, advocating for policies that starve the government of funds and exacerbate inequality.
Moreover, disasters like the fires we’re seeing right now wind up being interpreted through existing political lenses; Donald Trump is blaming them on the governor of California, to whom he refers, classy and mature as ever, as “Gavin Newscum,” while other conservatives are angrily denying that warming temperatures had anything to do with the destruction in southern California.
Nevertheless, there’s room for a generous response, to say even to the wealthiest of victims that we’re sorry they suffered the consequences of warming and hope they’ll become allies in the fight against climate change, because we’re all in it together. We all need robust public infrastructure (including an effective fire department), along with policies that will make wildfires and other disasters less destructive. The more people who come into the tent — even if it was only once they had to flee a disaster they only thought would affect the little people — the better off we’ll be.
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There is a heat wave in Europe, the world’s fastest warming continent. And so, as you may have heard, a perennial topic of online climate discourse has returned: Why don’t more Europeans have air conditioning?
I’m partially convinced this is psy op, or at least a figment of how social media organizes attention. I have a hypothesis that various “For You” page algorithms, especially that of the social network X, began to reward content that performed unusually well across national borders a few years ago. Since then, the amount of America vs. Europe content has surged. (Of course, writers have been comparing American and European lifestyles for much longer than that.)
Suffice it to say, though: It’s a fraught topic. I’ve assumed that as extreme heat gets worse as the climate changes, Europeans will simply get on with it and install AC, much as Americans in the Pacific Northwest have done. Yet there are cultural and regulatory obstacles to AC’s growth in Europe.
I’m sure I’ll write about it in the future, but for now I want to get a grip on the facts themselves. And so as a Friday special, I present to you — the facts about European AC, as I understand it:
Thanks so much for reading, and talk soon.
The movement against data centers is raising up a raison d'etre of the anti-renewables movement: protecting would-be farmland.
Farm owners and operators across the U.S. are winning national headlines almost every week for rejecting big dollar offers from data center developers. In Hanover County, Virginia, protestors are chanting “Grow Tomatoes, Not Data Centers.” In Pennsylvania and elsewhere, Republican legislators are mulling proposals to block the sale of so-called “prime farmland” for data center development. In Texas, the fight over data center development has engulfed the race for the state’s ag commissioner seat. In the Midwest, where agriculture reigns supreme, statewide races and congressional campaigns are slowly but surely being defined by the issue. Like in Nebraska where Austin Ahlman, an independent candidate running for Congress in Nebraska’s first district, told me he believes the data center backlash is reflective of a populist politics that broadly criticize elites and top-down control of the economy: “I think sometimes people misunderstand the anxieties of rural Americans when it comes to these data centers because a lot of their fears are about control long term.”
Unlike the farmland backlash around renewable energy development, the loudest critics are on the anti-monopolist left. On Wednesday, the prominent opposition group Food and Water Watch signaled farmland could soon be a watchword in the national data center debate – in a fashion analogous to what we’ve seen with renewable energy. The organization’s blog post entitled “The AI Data Center Boom Is Coming for Farmers” declared data centers verboten because of the threat they posed to “small and midsized family farmers.” Mitch Jones, deputy director of the campaign outfit, said he believes the threat to farmland is “a compelling reason to oppose data center development” but that his organization’s fight is primarily focused on protecting small business owners and an anti-monopoly sentiment.
“If data centers are coming into their areas, this puts even more pressure on them. It drives up the cost of their electricity, just as it does anyone else. It competes with them for water for crops, and it affects the value of their land in a perverse way,” Jones told me.
None of this should be surprising. An agricultural workforce has always been a good barometer for figuring out if a community will accept new infrastructure of any kind. We’ve seen as much time and time again with renewable energy, carbon capture, fossil energy and mining, just to name a few industries.
This same rule is true with data centers. In April, county commissioners in Kosciusko County, Indiana, unanimously rejected a Prologis data center; nearly 90% of acreage in Kosciusko County is being actively farmed, according to the Heatmap Pro database. Linn County, Iowa, in February enacted a rule severely restricting data center development in unincorporated areas; almost three-fourths of the land is used by the ag sector. A potential Amazon facility is causing heartburn in Clinton County, Ohio; nearly all land in the county is used for farming and utility-scale solar development has a recent history of conflict with landowners.
To be candid, I’m struck by the similarity in the backlash over siting data centers on farmland – a resemblance so close that some counties are starting to restrict renewable energy and data center development on farmland at the same time. This week, Eau Claire County, Wisconsin created a new “farmland preservation plan” discouraging utility-scale solar energy and data centers on any potential farmland. (More than 40% of land in this county is currently being used for farmland, according to Heatmap Pro.)
Jones at Food and Water Watch said his organization taking on the “protect farmland” mantle had nothing to do with the success this argument has had against renewable energy. “That thought never entered my head,” he told me, adding that if communities respond to the data center backlash by taking steps that short-circuit solar and wind too, that’s “a coincidence.”
I kept pressing. What if the pivot to farmland protection leads to more communities restricting renewable energy along with the data centers? “If you’re looking for a reason to oppose solar and wind, you can come up with that without having to attach data centers to it,” Jones said. “We’ve seen rural communities oppose solar and wind before data centers blew up across the country. It’s nothing new.”
And more of the week’s top news around project fights.
1. Virginia Beach, Virginia – The right-wing interest group lawsuit against Dominion Energy’s Coastal Virginia offshore wind is now dead, concluding one of the wackier tales of the Trump 2.0 energy era.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – Call it the Box Elder County massacre.
3. Davidson County, Tennessee – We have the latest updates in the Nashville Zoo data center drama and they’re a doozy and a half.
4. Clark County, Ohio – Yet another utility-scale solar farm is in the Ohio state permitting graveyard.