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Hotspots

Wisconsin’s Anti-Data Center Voters Never Showed Up

Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.

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The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Shelby County, Alabama — The Trump administration’s widening effort to intervene in rural energy project fights is facing an early test: What happens if companies don’t take it seriously?

  • This week country music star John Rich, Trump’s “special envoy for American landowners,” explained to an Alabama radio station that one of his first public efforts to support a landowner with administration support ran aground. Rich said he reached out to Alabama Power in the hopes they it could move a planned transmission line cutting across the property of a trucking company owner seeking to retire in the woods. But Rich said Alabama Power has so far shrugged off both him and the Agriculture Department, refusing to allow any company representatives to speak with them.
  • “They farmed my conversation out to a third party attorney. Outside counsel. Not even someone with Alabama Power,” Rich told radio host Leland White. After an hour and a half with the attorney led to “no answers,” the musician said, he sent questions in writing with USDA assistance, which he claimed were met with “legal mumbo jumbo.” “It’s like a slap in the face. I still haven’t spoken to anyone at Alabama Power about this.”
  • Rich told the radio host he may raise the landowner’s issues directly with President Trump. Alabama Power did not respond to a request for comment from me. The utility so far has declined to address specifics with local media, citing ongoing litigation over the conflict.
  • If I had to hazard a guess, I’d say this is a turning point for the Trump administration’s efforts to expand its energy culture war saber-rattling tactics beyond renewable energy permitting. So much of the transmission process, for example, happens outside of any federal purview. Should Rich actually try to raise this issue with the president, what could Trump do besides a Truth Social post? If that’s where this heads, then I think we’re seeing this effort hit a wall, at least for now.

2. Ozaukee County, Wisconsin — Speaking of walls, we just saw the political power of the data center resistance hit one in the Badger State.

  • The big headline this week was moratorium supporter Francesca Hong losing the Democratic gubernatorial primary. But buried in those results was a striking stat: Residents in and around the area with the biggest data center conflict area in the state — Port Washington — chose her opponent, Milwaukee County executive David Crowley, who stridently opposes any pause on data center development.
  • It looked like momentum was there for politicians like Hong. Only months ago, Port Washington elected to give itself the power to reject data center tax abatements. And days before the primary vote, the local data center backlash won another huge victory, defeating a large transmission line that would’ve connected to hyperscalers-in-progress in the region.
  • Even places with data center ballot initiatives on Tuesday had mixed feelings about Hong. Wrightstown, a municipality roughly an hour and a half north of Port Washington, voted no on a referendum to allow data center development. At the same time, it split roughly down the middle in the Democratic gubernatorial primary. Hong didn’t even win 50% of the vote there, according to VoteHub.
  • If they’re smart, energy and data center project developers will take these results and run with them. This means these fights are staying localized for now. Local politicians will be compelled to talk about data centers and address concerns over rising electricity bills or water quality. But we don’t have evidence yet that data center opposition is prompting rapid radicalization or a nascent wave of one-issue voters.

3. Everywhere in Texas — Texas Governor Greg Abbott is getting a lot of love for his data center standards, with major developers rolling out press statements claiming they’ll comply.

  • It’s not just QTS anymore: We now have Google, Vantage, Compass, Microsoft, Equinix, Edge ConneX, Oracle and OpenAI. Vistra, the utility company, has also come out in support of the governor’s temporary pause on data center permits. These commitments largely focus on companies paying for their own infrastructure, bringing their own power, and limiting water consumption as much as possible.
  • All of this supposed compliance is possible because, well, Abbott didn’t actually ask for very much. Many of these companies were already practicing these behaviors, such as building colocated power and relying on closed-loop cooling. And as my colleague Robinson Meyer rightfully pointed out, Abbott’s requirements lean heavily on disclosures, which render them “weak tea” because they don’t require companies to change any of their behavior.
  • Abbott’s efforts have done little to cool the heat AI infrastructure development faces in the Lone Star state. City councilors in Fort Worth — one of the nation’s biggest cities — just voted to institute a city-wide moratorium, and Dallas is on the brink of enacting a restrictive ordinance. Meanwhile, Texas attorney general Ken Paxton is facing heat on the campaign trail for a U.S. Senate seat after reporters discovered his political operation raked in money from data center developers.

4. Herkimer County, New York — Something weird is going on in upstate New York with a monastery, a wind farm, and the Trump administration. I’m not sure what to make of it yet.

  • Late last week, the blog Heartlander News published a piece claiming the federal government was going to take its fight against renewable energy on farmland to the site of a Terra-Gen wind farm near Holy Trinity Monastery, a century-old worship site founded by Russian Orthodox monks who emigrated from the former Soviet Union.
  • The Heartlander piece strongly suggests the Trump administration could pull permits or otherwise pause development of the wind farm and includes a statement from an anonymous spokesperson from the Agriculture Department: “[T]he Trump USDA stands with Holy Trinity Monastery as they work to protect this historic property from foreign-owned wind projects.”
  • Unlike John Rich and Alabama Power, the federal government has enormous authority over wind project development. My big question is, will the USDA intervene with the agencies that actually permit wind farms? Because the Agriculture Department itself does not do so. Otherwise, this doesn’t matter.
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Q&A

Why the Wilderness Society Backs a Data Center Moratorium

Talking with Dan Hartinger, the land conservation group’s senior policy director.

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The Q&A subject.
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s Q&A is with Dan Hartinger, senior policy director for The Wilderness Society, a prominent land conservation organization in D.C. that this week called for a moratorium on data center development on public land. The public statement was relatively scant on details about the group’s stance, and a decade of reporting on policy in Washington has taught me that its positions are quite influential, especially in more traditional outdoor recreation and conservationist circles that are also often bipartisan. So I reached out and asked if someone could further explain the society’s position, and Dan obliged.

The following chat was lightly edited for clarity.

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Hotspots

Data Center Outrage Catches Up to Renewables Outrage in Michigan

Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.

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The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Central Michigan – I regret to inform you of this back-and-forth between candidates running for Congress and a would-be constituent because it’s a warning sign for the renewable energy sector (and sort of broke my brain).

  • This week brought the first and likely only debate between Rep. Tom Barrett and Sunrise Movement cofounder Will Lawrence, who are locked in a tight contest over the Michigan 7th congressional district. As I’ve written, their race is a must-watch not only for control of the U.S. House but also the political fortunes of the data center sector.
  • The debate contained a remarkable exchange: Moderators played taped remarks from Paula Caltrider, identified as “a local resident” in the city of Mason to ask the candidates a question about data centers. Instead, she offered a comment. “You know, you can’t be a part of this no data center movement without renouncing the large solar farms and dangerous battery storage facilities that power these data centers.” (Quick TL;DR on Caltrider: She’s been quoted in national media coverage of the data center backlash and last year won a legal settlement after allegedly being fired for refusing a vaccine mandate.)
  • Barrett then ran with Caltrider’s baton. “I appreciate Paula linking these together, the stripping away of local control that took place in pursuit of this Green New Deal agenda in Lansing that took away control from communities” – a reference to the state’s primacy law that other Michigan Republican candidates have opposed.
  • Lawrence, whose support for a federal data center moratorium made him a national political test case, did not take the bait, nor did he criticize renewable energy. Instead, this part of the debate became a tit-for-tat about whether the sitting congressman once backed tax breaks for data centers. “He stuck his finger up into the wind, saw which way it was blowing, did a complete 180 on this issue,” Lawrence said. Then Barrett and Lawrence got into a confusing back-and-forth about whether the Inflation Reduction Act was a giveaway to data centers.
  • To the best of my knowledge, this is the first time the Data Center Trojan Horse has reared its ugly head on any kind of prominent debate stage, but it won’t be the last. For example: The Wisconsin gubernatorial debate is Oct. 21, and we’ve warned you about that one.

2. Doña Ana County, New Mexico – I suggest you pay closer attention to the federal permitting fight playing out over Oracle’s Project Jupiter.

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Spotlight

The Data Center Backlash Is Coming for Permitting Reform

The Senate’s compromise bill enters the chat at a moment when federal land and anti-pipeline advocates are already quite activated.

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The Capitol and a data center.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

The AI data center backlash is getting louder in D.C. ahead of the midterms – and it’s poised to collide head-on with the new permitting reform deal being negotiated in Congress.

This week, major environmental advocacy organizations are taking large public steps to lean in on the data center fight. The League of Conservation Voters and Natural Resources Defense Council, I’ve been told, are imminently announcing a $250,000 ad buy in the Washington, D.C. market focused entirely on decrying fossil fuel-powered data centers and Trump administration policies to speed up their construction. The Wilderness Society, a prominent land conservation organization, announced it now supports a moratorium against data centers on “public lands” focused on the roughly half billion acres under the Interior Department’s stewardship. And Earthjustice on Thursday did a detailed report claiming that 80% of the data centers under development “bringing their own power” are going to rely on gas generation.

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