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A conversation with Silicon Ranch CEO Reagan Farr.

This week’s conversation is with Reagan Farr, CEO of solar developer Silicon Ranch. I connected with Farr after my story last week on legislation in the Alabama Senate potentially banning solar in the wake of a fight over a single Silicon Ranch project, which would help offset power demand from a large Meta data center outside the state capitol of Montgomery. To my surprise, Farr was incredibly candid about the solar sector’s increasingly fraught circumstances amidst the AI boom. Yes, demand is going up – but the public’s animosity towards data centers is starting to rub off on clean energy too.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Why do you think the Alabama bill is happening?
It is “silly season” in politics. Primaries are coming up, and one thing about the zeitgeist right now, whether its data centers or renewable power, is you can start a social media group and get a lot of members. Whether they’re bots or real people, a politician sees 4,000 people in a group they can access without paying advertising dollars, they do things that wouldn’t normally happen if it wasn’t election season.
Do you see any similarities between the localized backlash we’ve been seeing with data centers and opposition to solar farms?
I do. I think there’s a conflation of all these issues, including rising power prices, and a general feeling that people don’t understand it so it creates a lot of concern. There’s a lot of conflation: Is this bitcoin? Is this AI? I have found that, and it creates a lot of passion in a lot of questions we’re trying to address.
How do you feel about the way solar goes about community relations in situations where its attached to a data center as opposed to the overall grid, where people aren’t as able to easily tie your construction to lowering energy prices?
First of all, our project in Stockton – we’re selling power to Alabama Power at the point of interconnection. Meta is not a party to our transaction. So it’s not really a data center project, as far as Silicon Ranch is concerned. But I would say not just in Stockton, but other geographies, is that people conflate large renewable energy projects with data center demand whether they’re directly tied to each other or not. Its tough to explain because we’ve tried to explain how this project is helping the grid in Stockton build additional resiliency and is going to be generation that just by physics is going to support the communities in and around Stockton. If there’s an accounting entry on the back end between Alabama Power and Meta, that really is between Alabama Power and Meta and doesn’t really have to do with Silicon Ranch or this project.
You said there’s a conflation between renewable projects and data centers – can you say more about that?
If you read the content in all of these “Stop Solar” Facebook groups, they really don’t distinguish between AI, data centers, Bitcoin and renewables. It’s just a general complaint against all of the above.
A big part of the effort we have to undertake is to segregate. Silicon Ranch shouldn’t be bracketed with other solar owners and operators. Our business model is unique. Its just requiring more and greater effort to tell our story. We’ve always had people bring us questions. It's the preconceptions we’re really having to overcome.
What you’re describing I’ve taken to calling an “industrial techlash.” A turn against advanced energy and tech infrastructure. I hear similar arguments around noise, electromagnetic fields, or farmland. Do you think if a solar farm is tied to a data center, does that make it more or less likely to get permitted today in the U.S.?
I look back to one of our first large projects in the state of Georgia, where we were building in Bancroft Station using modules manufactured by Hanwha Qcells and we were selling to a co-op, but it was also the first time Meta had signed a power supply agreement with a co-op. At that time we had the governor, the head of economic development, and half the state legislature there celebrating this virtuous cycle of investment in Georgia. I don’t think you’d have that in today’s political environment. Today, we would probably focus more on the very distinct benefits of our investment in the community and our approach to agri-voltaics, land use.
I mean, look at the situation in Stockton. Those modules are going to be manufactured in Alabama, and we played a role in helping First Solar site their project in Alabama. So when you hear people, these concerns about how the modules are “toxic” or are “going to poison the ground” – I’m happy to answer that, but man, this is y’alls manufacturer. First Solar invested $1.2 billion into Lawrence County, Alabama. You’ve got to have some trust. Call them.
It’s a fraught environment, and one I think is going to only continue to be more difficult as we move forward.
A while ago you would’ve seen that yay response from politicians across the board to that level of investment. Now, there’s eggshells that need to be walked on. What led to that dynamic shifting?
I’ve thought about it a lot. It actually reminds me of Occupy Wall Street. It’s a different demographic protesting, but they’re against Big Tech, AI, big capital, and their power prices are going up but they don’t know why. It’s the same lack of faith in large institutions, and it’s hard to address.
Even when they’re talking to me, a founder and CEO, they’re like, You’re a big, faceless company. And no, we’re actually people who care about the environment and your community.
We faced a similar situation to this in Georgia – a different solar farm than the Bancroft one – and I wanted to better understand what was going on in the local community here. So I met with the community, answered a lot of questions, took people on tours, met with business leaders who had nothing to do with renewables and politics. That’s what gives me hope. But it’s not scalable. I really enjoyed it, but it’s the CEO and founder of a company spending months in a community. We have a team, but it was interesting – they didn’t believe my team in the same way they believed me.
Do you think the environmental and climate space is wrestling with the data center question in a way that’s sensitive to this?
Let’s use Stockton as an example. I believe solar done well is a huge asset to these communities. When the Stockton social media anti-solar campaign started, someone we’d worked with before from an environmental organization emailed us saying, I know Silicon Ranch. Why are you doing this? You’re better than this. So I called her and we had a really productive conversation. So she said, Reagan, why don’t I offer to convene more environmental groups together so you don’t have to have a dozen of these calls. You can have one. Then on that social media group, someone posted they’d “heard” Silicon Ranch was “paying off this nonprofit.” Totally not true. It put the nonprofit on the backfoot and they instantly had to distance themselves. They asked me, Did you say we were working for you? And I said no, it’s this echo chamber of misinformation where certain gatekeepers have different agendas.
I feel the environmental organizations, the farm bureaus, they need to get in front of these conversations. But they’re all donation-driven. So if they get in a crosshair they’ll just sit on the sidelines, and I understand that because I volunteer and sit on boards of non-profits. You can’t throw yourself into a discussion that’ll lead to you losing funding.
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And more of the week’s top fights around development.
1. Richland Parish, Louisiana – Gird your loins for the coming fight over the Meta Hyperion data center’s gas pipeline.
2. Spartanburg County, South Carolina – I have one last data center race to tell you to watch on Tuesday: South Carolina’s 4th, on the northern rim of the state.
3. Goodhue County, Minnesota – Google reached a settlement with an environmental group suing to stop its data center in the small southern Minnesota town of Pine Island, resulting in what local press are saying will be the Land of 10,000 Lakes first state-level environmental review of a data center project.
4. Trumbull County, Ohio – Ohio looks like it just got a tad friendlier for data center opponents.
Talking with Kevin Gundersen, the head of public affairs for Digital Realty.
This week’s conversation is with Kevin Gundersen, head of public affairs for data center developer Digital Realty. On Wednesday, Digital Realty released a fascinating poll as part of Infrastructure for America, a pro-data center organization that also includes Compass, Vantage Data Centers, and QTS. The poll pushed back on the idea that we’re currently in the middle of a “data center election”; instead, it found most voters are not expected to choose their national elected officials based on a politician’s stance on data centers.
I reached out to folks involved in the poll's release, and they put me in touch with Gundersen, whom I’ve met before and consider to be a straight shooter. He accepted my invitation to do a candid hot-seat chat about the findings, his thoughts on all the data center attack ads, and whether his industry’s actually recovering any ground with the American people.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
So first off: Is this the “data center election”?
No. I think there are communities across this country that are learning about data centers and whose opinions are being formed by all sorts of things. I’ve also sat in communities that want data centers, that understand the benefits they provide, and I think there are loud voices on all ends of the spectrum saying things about data centers that frankly aren’t true. That’s unfortunate.
Now, that doesn’t dismiss people’s real concerns about data centers in communities that have never had them before or states that haven’t had them before. So it’s the industry’s job to have those conversations honestly and openly.
This is a new thing for the industry. If you look at the history of the data center industry, it was really confined to Northern Virginia, Santa Clara [California], and urban areas like New York City or Chicago where there are large customer bases and data needs. For the most part, people didn’t really pay attention to data centers.
This is now a historic build-out, so there’s an education going on. Data centers have become a physical manifestation of people’s fears about AI, and that’s something we need to manage as an industry. How we do that is to create organizations like IFA. Our company has been doing this for 25 years. We have 300 data centers around the world. For us, this is how we’ve always been doing this, but there’s no question our industry needs to be doing a better job as to why data centers benefit communities.
I think there’s a disconnect between what I see on the ground locally and the national narrative around the election. Every issue in America is nationalized. But if you look at some polls, this isn’t in the top five issues people are thinking about day to day.
It makes sense a data center developer would make this case. It’s your right to do so. But can you help me better understand the evidence, when we’re seeing so much television advertising attacking candidates for previous data center support?
The basis for me saying it is, I’ve sat in communities where people want data centers and been in parts of America that haven’t had revenue sources for decades. Now they have an opportunity for a data center in their city, county, state, and I think sometimes where there’s a disconnect is the national narrative around AI.
It’s hard to stop ChatGPT. But someone can use the data center as their target, so to speak. It’s the physical manifestation of their opposition to AI.
The biggest evidence is, there are a lot of communities that [have] welcomed data centers in the last 30 years. Not just the last couple of years. Santa Clara, California, is one of the nicest places in the country, and they have so many data centers. The history of people supporting data centers has been the norm, and the opposition is a relatively new thing in and of itself.
What about the electoral impacts? Have you personally not seen any? Either against your industry or for them?
We haven’t seen any of our developments’ electoral impacts on the local level yet. We could have this conversation next week after the election, but not yet. I honestly think I could answer that question better then.
But do I think data centers in most of America are the number one thing on people’s minds? No. Not when you talk to them outside the chatroom on Facebook when you can present dialogue and facts. There are communities that will decide they don’t want data centers. That’s fine. Some communities have made that decision. There are others who want them.
I’m not looking at next week. These developments are going to go on regardless of the election because there’s a huge demand for digital infrastructure, and a lot of communities do want these developments.
What do you see as the role of your polling when it comes to convincing the American public or the news media that this isn’t an election being decided by data centers?
IFA was created to tell stories about data centers and the benefits we provide to communities. These are real stories from real people and real companies. They’re mom-and-pop food trucks, electricians, real people all around the country. IFA is geared toward telling the story, a very positive story that is getting lost in the national debate.
When I think about the ads I see every day, the negative ads about data centers, these are real jobs. People making money wearing hard hats. I actually think it's unfortunate because I see people’s lives being lifted by data center development, and then they turn on their TV to see attacks on their industry.
The biggest companies in the world right now are taking their money and investing in the United States, creating a blue-collar jobs boom, and for some reason our politics make it something people want to oppose.
I think after the election there’ll be some kind of level set on both sides of the aisle because I think people were caught by surprise about some of the early polls on the AI issue that came out earlier this year. The industry wasn’t quick enough to talk about the benefits. But I think there are a lot of governors who’ve been balanced since they came into office about data center development, where they haven’t pushed moratoriums because they realize there are benefits from data centers.
The AI issue is great on the campaign trail, but separating AI from data centers and the investments they bring to a community is important. Data centers provide digital infrastructure. The demand for that is only going up.
Why should a skeptic of this industry believe this information from a developer?
I mean, have they talked to the IBEW? Have they talked to the unions? There are a lot of constituencies out there that see the benefits of data centers. Don’t take my word for it. Go to a community and talk to people.
There’s going to be people who don’t want a data center in their community, but if we do it openly, transparently, and tell the story of who we are — we’ve been around for 25 years! There’s all sorts of information out there about our company. And we’re going to keep talking to communities.
Why should they believe us? We don’t have anything to hide, and we’ll bring benefits to their community. That might sound like a cliché answer, but it’s the case.
What do you think the outcome will be from so many attack ads about data centers?
I think it's unfortunate, and I think it's bad for the country because elected officials right now are spending tens of millions of dollars in political ads telling people data centers are bad when in fact they bring huge benefits to communities.
We’re going to have to spend lots of time and energy and resources to make up for that. Perhaps we should’ve been doing this sooner. I’m sure we’d all in this industry loved to have gotten our story out before the campaign cycle took hold. We can’t go back and change the past.
I always say, we have the truth and physics on our side. What I mean by that is, we’ve got a great story, these developments have tons of benefits, and the demand is only going up. People have two phones. They have connected devices in their homes. Flat-screen TVs and Oura rings and Ring cameras. When you think about the digital products and services you use every day, it’s massive.
We’re going to have to tell our story. I do think a lot of elected officials at all levels of government want us to go do that. When I sit behind closed doors with folks, they know the benefits. People of both parties.
Only upgrades for pre-existing wind projects have been approved.
In September, the Trump administration told a reporter that the president directed the Pentagon to finally process wind projects through routine airspace approvals as required under a court order. By doing this, it created the appearance of real headway and good faith in talks with Democrats in Congress on energy permitting legislation before the November midterm elections.
But the White House’s assurances are not what they seem.
All of the projects the administration has reportedly advanced over the past week are repowerings, meaning they’re only upgrades of existing projects, and two of the “projects” they’ve advanced were just two individual turbines, the American Clean Power Association on Tuesday told members involved in litigation with the administration.
Over the course of his presidency, the president’s team has turned what was once a sleepy bureaucratic check for radar or flight interference into a weapon against wind energy in the United States. You need Federal Aviation Administration clearance for any structure above 200 feet in the air and that process includes a Pentagon review. By claiming wind projects suddenly needed new scrutiny for national security reasons, the Pentagon held up FAA airspace approvals for apparently hundreds of projects.
This has been a key part of bipartisan energy legislation talks back in D.C., as Democrats in Congress have demanded at least some semblance of regular order be returned to renewable energy in federal permitting. The permitting bill ostensibly has ways to strengthen wind companies’ hand in dealing with a hostile Trump administration but negotiators, including Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, have also previously called attacks on wind projects during negotiations harmful to a final deal becoming law.
In September, Politico reported Trump told his aides he would agree to direct the Defense Department to “start clearing its queue of long-delayed onshore wind projects to strike a deal” citing “two people familiar with the talks and granted anonymity.” Among the commitments Politico reported were made: to approve about 30 projects awaiting a countersignature from the Pentagon on a mitigation agreement related to airspace impacts.
In federal court, the renewable energy trade groups who brought the lawsuit clearly don’t think the Trump administration actually followed through with that promise.
On Oct. 20, after updates from the Justice Department showed little signs of progress (which I wrote about), the trade groups filed a motion to enforce the judge’s stay on their air clearance freeze, saying that very little had advanced since the ruling in early August, and that none of the 30 projects awaiting countersignature on their mitigation agreements actually had advanced from Pentagon review. In addition, they said the government was now asking project developers to sign onto a litany of new requirements in exchange for a sign-off on mitigation agreements. They submitted a joint declaration from subject matter experts, including from former military personnel, who described these requirements as a vast departure from precedent with little basis in security rationale that they said also had terms that could violate state or local laws, like a blanket prohibition on aircraft detection light systems. (You can read the declaration here.)
Two days later, on Oct. 22, it started to look like we were getting somewhere when news outlets reported the Trump administration was "advancing" two “wind projects” in South Dakota and Maine, citing statements from the White House and the Pentagon.
Bob Ditchey, a spokesperson for the Pentagon, told us in an email that the two “wind projects” were Crowned Ridge, which he said consisted of 87 turbines in “Grant, SD,” and “Blue Sky/Hill,” which he said was made up of 19 turbines in “Hancock, ME.” Ditchey described them both as “proposed” wind energy “developments.”
“Following rigorous evaluation of potential impacts on military readiness, radar installations, and airspace operations, the DoW has cleared both projects to proceed to the next phase of federal evaluation,” Ditchey said in an email. “The projects have been formally referred to the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) for final aeronautical study and determination.”
The South Dakota wind project Trump officials are referencing is likely NextEra’s Crowned Ridge wind farm, which has 87 turbines and has been operational since 2019. On Oct. 5 a NextEra project consultant submitted a litany of height clearance requests for a “repowering project” on behalf of Crowned Ridge Energy Center, LLC, according to the Federal Aviation Administration’s public database. The requests are for turbines in Grant County.
There is no Maine wind project with the name “Blue Sky/Hill,” as far as we can tell, but there is a project in Hancock County that was completed in 2012 called “Bull Hill” that consists of 19 turbines, and which also has pending applications for repowering in the FAA’s database.
Neither NextEra nor Bull Hill’s developer, TerraForm Power, responded to our requests for comment. The Pentagon also did not respond to questions about these projects or the additional ones it said it had advanced.
In addition, as of this story’s publication, all of the air clearance requests for these two projects are all listed as “pending” online.
If you’re wondering why operational wind farms might need air clearances for construction, all of the wind farms’ requests describe the projects as “repowering,” an industry term that applies to upgrading, modifying, altering or restarting pre-existing wind farms. A repowering can mean anything from fixing turbine blades to changing turbine height, or moving a turbine, or commissioning new turbines entirely. Crucially though it’s not really considered a “new wind farm” in the colloquial sense. As my colleague Matthew Zeitlin has explained, repowerings are seen by the energy sector as a simple pathway to the most juice for the squeeze from what has already been permitted and built.
On Tuesday, Punchbowl News reported that the White House was advancing three more wind projects in Illinois and Iowa. After this story ran, American Clean Power told members involved in the airspace litigation clarifying that all of the projects thus far are “repowerings” and that the two Illinois “projects” each were only individual wind turbines. None of the projects were new utility scale projects.
On Wednesday, just before this story went to press, Punchbowl News reported another two wind projects were advancing, calling it “more permitting goodwill from the White House.” We have not yet been able to confirm what these projects are or whether they are also repowering projects.
American Clean Power endorsed the bipartisan Senate permitting bill and called for its passage. The group provided a comment from Frank Macchiarola, their chief advocacy officer: “To date, the administration has moved forward only a handful of the total number of projects they agreed to approve. In order to pass BAAJA and bring down costs for Americans, the Administration needs to get serious about building clean power.”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment.