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Spotlight

Anatomy of a Texas NIMBY

Inside a solar fight in the “cowboy capital of the world.”

Texas flag.
WikiCommons / Ricardo Gomez-Angel / Heatmap

An hour northwest of San Antonio, Texas, the small town of Bandera is home to fewer than 1,000 people. Complete with old-timey heritage buildings from the Old West, the town markets itself as a ranching tourism destination and the “cowboy capital of the world.”

And some residents really don’t want the solar farm coming to town: Pine Gate Renewables’ Rio Lago solar project, which would produce 132 megawatts of power. That’s enough renewable electricity to fuel almost 23,000 homes.

When the project first appeared on homeowners’ doorsteps, citizens concerned about building anything at industrial scale in their bucolic community rejected a local tax abatement and began speaking to local media. Eventually, roughly a dozen people living near the proposed Rio Lago site filed a lawsuit in state court seeking damages for alleged sediment runoff, along with a laundry list of other complaints. The state court judge was sympathetic to the individuals in Bandera, ordered construction to stop and sanctioned Pine Gate when residents said the company appeared to continue work on the project. The case is now pending in federal court.

Taken together this outcry, lawsuit, and all of the resulting local news coverage coverage add up to a crucial test: Can a handful of people block carbon-free power to so many homes?

In this circumstance, probably not. Last week, the federal judge now overseeing the case – Richard Farrer, who was appointed under Trump in 2017 – told the aggrieved homeowners and their lawyer that while the allegations of damages may still proceed to trial, there was “not sufficient evidence of imminent irreparable harm to support” an order to stop construction, according to a transcript of the hearing.

But still, this case still fascinates. That’s because despite Texas’ conservative political leaning the Lone Star state is a panacea for renewables development. It produces 16% of the nation’s total renewable energy but accounts for only 2.5% of the contested projects, restrictive ordinances, and moratoriums in Heatmap Pro’s database. Part of the reason Texas is so receptive is that energy production overall is pretty welcome – when you’re so used to oil rigs, a solar farm isn’t that big of a deal. For its part, Pine Gate clearly thinks it’s a great place to build as the company claims to have forty projects at various stages in the state.

The case of Bandera and the Rio Lago solar project ultimately illustrates NIMBYism – historically understood as more of an issue amongst liberals – can occur in even the most staunchly conservative parts of the country: the town is represented in Congress by Rep. Chip Roy, who has a 96% lifetime score from the Heritage Foundation’s political arm and a month ago called to fully defund the Energy Department’s Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy.

Ultimately, while renewable energy and decarbonization capital is pouring into culturally red areas across the U.S., this conflict demonstrates how a backlash can really rear its ugly head.

Jennifer Rosenblatt, a lawyer representing the homeowners opposed to the solar farm, told me her litigation isn’t “anti-solar” and “simply a construction issue.” But she acknowledged the residents are motivated by a simple and familiar adage: “Nobody wants it in their backyard.”

“All things being equal, they don’t want it there,” Rosenblatt said. “Everybody wants to say it’s a lawsuit about ‘not in my backyard,’ but in Texas you can’t control what somebody does on their property next door. There’s no lawsuit about that.”

We’ll keep you updated on the status of this lawsuit in future editions of The Fight.

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Spotlight

The Summit Carbon Pipeline Is Having a Great Trump Transition

And what renewables can learn from it.

The Summit Carbon Pipeline Is Having a Great Trump Transition

A sprawling multi-state carbon pipeline appears easier to permit and build than wind and solar farms in red states, despite comments the president-elect or his team may have said on the campaign trail. And the answer has to do with more than just the potential benefits for oil and gas.

The Summit Carbon Solutions CO2 pipeline network would criss-cross five states – Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, and the Dakotas – connecting dozens of ethanol “biorefinery” plants to carbon sequestration sites for storing CO2 captured while producing the agri-fuel. On paper Summit has its work cut out for it in ways not dissimilar to the troubles facing solar and wind. Land use issues, ecological concerns, the whole lot. And its work has become controversial amongst a myriad of opposition groups I often write about like rural farmers and, of course, conspiratorial NIMBYs – chief among them Vivek Ramaswamy and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., two members of the incoming Trump administration.

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Hotspots

Southcoast Wind’s Last Dash

And more of this week’s top fights around renewable energy.

Map of renewable energy fights.
Heatmap Illustration

1. Nantucket County, Massachusetts – The Biden administration is rushing to finish permitting Ocean Winds’ Southcoast Wind project, a joint venture between EDP Renewables and Engie, before Donald Trump returns to the White House. Questions remain as to whether it can be done.

  • Since Election Day, Southcoast Wind has received full environmental review and received a draft EPA air permit last week. We’re still waiting on a record of decision though and until then, all bets are off.
  • Complicating matters is the town of Nantucket, Massachusetts, which is now fighting the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management to get more money and benefits in the event the project is fully permitted. They’re worried about blade failures.
  • Legal counsel for the town wrote BOEM on Oct. 30 objecting to the agency’s plans for mitigating potential impacts to the town’s historic properties, arguing the Vineyard Wind blade collapse must be fully investigated before any final approvals are granted.
  • Given how Southcoast Wind is close to the finish line at the federal level, I’m watching to see if this dispute with Nantucket becomes a basis for a permitting reversal in the event it can’t make its way through the process before Trump comes into office.

2. Pittsburgh County, Oklahoma – Momentum is building for an anti-wind moratorium in this Oklahoma county home to multiple proposed wind projects.

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Policy Watch

Trump’s Energy Direction: 5 Early Takeaways

And more on this week’s top policy and energy news.

Trump and wind.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images.

Trump’s energy direction – We’re far enough into the Trump 2.0 transition that I can offer a few specific insights having covered him the first go-around.

  1. Trump’s pick for Interior Secretary Doug Burgum indicates any form of energy or resource extraction prevalent in his state of North Dakota could be safe from the wrath of political meddling in permitting. That includes onshore wind and battery metals.
  2. Trump’s selection for Energy Secretary – gas CEO Chris Wright – indicates even more reason for optimism about mining given the heavy overlap between companies in historic fracking development and U.S. lithium industry growth.
  3. Trump’s EPA pick Lee Zeldin previously backed legislation to ease permitting for renewable energy, though I anticipate from his lack of agency leadership experience that he’ll be more deferential to political directions than a former governor or CEO.
  4. Cantor Fitzgerald CEO Howard Lutnick was chosen for the Commerce Department, which will dictate tariff proposals. Although Cantor Fitzgerald itself supports the “megatrend” that is the energy transition, I expect China hawkishness to prevail above fear of short-term impact on American renewables projects.
  5. Even with all this, you should expect the deputy picks to matter for solar and wind. Trump 1.0 began with figurehead agency leaders (Ryan Zinke at Interior, Scott Pruitt at EPA) and an empowered assistant administrator, who was usually a former lobbyist or ideologue. I’m anticipating the same here.

New hydrogen hub backing – The Energy Department has announced more than $2.2 billion in cost-sharing agreements with two more hydrogen hubs in the Midwest and Gulf Coast.

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