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Spotlight

Anatomy of a Texas NIMBY

Inside a solar fight in the “cowboy capital of the world.”

Texas flag.
WikiCommons / Ricardo Gomez-Angel / Heatmap

An hour northwest of San Antonio, Texas, the small town of Bandera is home to fewer than 1,000 people. Complete with old-timey heritage buildings from the Old West, the town markets itself as a ranching tourism destination and the “cowboy capital of the world.”

And some residents really don’t want the solar farm coming to town: Pine Gate Renewables’ Rio Lago solar project, which would produce 132 megawatts of power. That’s enough renewable electricity to fuel almost 23,000 homes.

When the project first appeared on homeowners’ doorsteps, citizens concerned about building anything at industrial scale in their bucolic community rejected a local tax abatement and began speaking to local media. Eventually, roughly a dozen people living near the proposed Rio Lago site filed a lawsuit in state court seeking damages for alleged sediment runoff, along with a laundry list of other complaints. The state court judge was sympathetic to the individuals in Bandera, ordered construction to stop and sanctioned Pine Gate when residents said the company appeared to continue work on the project. The case is now pending in federal court.

Taken together this outcry, lawsuit, and all of the resulting local news coverage coverage add up to a crucial test: Can a handful of people block carbon-free power to so many homes?

In this circumstance, probably not. Last week, the federal judge now overseeing the case – Richard Farrer, who was appointed under Trump in 2017 – told the aggrieved homeowners and their lawyer that while the allegations of damages may still proceed to trial, there was “not sufficient evidence of imminent irreparable harm to support” an order to stop construction, according to a transcript of the hearing.

But still, this case still fascinates. That’s because despite Texas’ conservative political leaning the Lone Star state is a panacea for renewables development. It produces 16% of the nation’s total renewable energy but accounts for only 2.5% of the contested projects, restrictive ordinances, and moratoriums in Heatmap Pro’s database. Part of the reason Texas is so receptive is that energy production overall is pretty welcome – when you’re so used to oil rigs, a solar farm isn’t that big of a deal. For its part, Pine Gate clearly thinks it’s a great place to build as the company claims to have forty projects at various stages in the state.

The case of Bandera and the Rio Lago solar project ultimately illustrates NIMBYism – historically understood as more of an issue amongst liberals – can occur in even the most staunchly conservative parts of the country: the town is represented in Congress by Rep. Chip Roy, who has a 96% lifetime score from the Heritage Foundation’s political arm and a month ago called to fully defund the Energy Department’s Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy.

Ultimately, while renewable energy and decarbonization capital is pouring into culturally red areas across the U.S., this conflict demonstrates how a backlash can really rear its ugly head.

Jennifer Rosenblatt, a lawyer representing the homeowners opposed to the solar farm, told me her litigation isn’t “anti-solar” and “simply a construction issue.” But she acknowledged the residents are motivated by a simple and familiar adage: “Nobody wants it in their backyard.”

“All things being equal, they don’t want it there,” Rosenblatt said. “Everybody wants to say it’s a lawsuit about ‘not in my backyard,’ but in Texas you can’t control what somebody does on their property next door. There’s no lawsuit about that.”

We’ll keep you updated on the status of this lawsuit in future editions of The Fight.

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Q&A

How Developers Should Think of the New IRA Credit Rules

A conversation with Scott Cockerham of Latham and Watkins.

How Developers Should Think of the New IRA Credit Rules
Heatmap Illustration

This week’s conversation is with Scott Cockerham, a partner with the law firm Latham and Watkins whose expertise I sought to help me best understand the Treasury Department’s recent guidance on the federal solar and wind tax credits. We focused on something you’ve probably been thinking about a lot: how to qualify for the “start construction” part of the new tax regime, which is the primary hurdle for anyone still in the thicket of a fight with local opposition.

The following is our chat lightly edited for clarity. Enjoy.

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Hotspots

An Influential Anti-ESG Activist Targets A Wind Farm

And more of the week’s most important news around renewable energy conflicts.

Map of renewable energy fights.
Heatmap Illustration

1. Carroll County, Arkansas – The head of an influential national right-wing advocacy group is now targeting a wind project in Arkansas, seeking federal intervention to block something that looked like it would be built.

  • Will Hild, executive director of Consumers’ Research, recently called on the Trump administration to intervene against the development of Scout Clean Energy’s Nimbus wind project in Arkansas. Consumers’ Research is known as one of the leading anti-ESG advocacy organizations, playing a key role in the “anti-woke” opposition against the climate- and socially-conscious behavior of everyone from utilities to Anheuser-Busch.
  • In a lengthy rant posted to X earlier this month, Hild pointed to Carroll County’s local moratorium on wind projects and claimed Nimbus being built would be “a massive win for ESG radicals – and a slap in the face for local democracy.”
  • As I told you in April, the Nimbus project prompted Carroll County to enact the moratorium but it was grandfathered in because of contracts signed prior to the ban’s enactment.
  • However, even though Nimbus is not sited on federal land, there is a significant weak point for the project: its potential impacts on endangered birds and bats.
  • Scout Clean Energy has been working with the Fish and Wildlife Service since at least 2018 under Trump 1.0. However, the project’s habitat conservation plan was not completed before the start of the current Trump term and Scout did not submit an application for Nimbus to receive an incidental take permit from the Service until May of this year.
  • Enter the Trump administration’s bird-centric wind power crackdown and the impact of Hild’s commentary comes into fuller focus. What will happen to all the years of work that Scout and the Service did? It’s unclear how the project reckons with this heightened scrutiny and risk of undue federal attention.

2. Suffolk County, New York – EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin this week endorsed efforts by activists on Long Island to oppose energy storage in their neighborhoods.

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Spotlight

Trump’s Permit Freeze Prompts Some Solar to Eye Exits

Is there going to be a flight out of Nevada?

Solar in Nevada.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

Donald Trump’s renewables permitting freeze is prompting solar companies to find an escape hatch from Nevada.

As I previously reported, the Interior Department has all but halted new approvals for solar and wind projects on federal lands. It was entirely unclear how that would affect transmission out west, including in the solar-friendly Nevada desert where major lines were in progress to help power both communities and a growing number of data centers. Shortly after the pause, I took notice of the fact that regulators quietly delayed the timetable by at least two weeks for a key line – the northern portion of NV Energy’s Greenlink project – that had been expected to connect to a litany of solar facilities. Interior told me it still planned to complete the project in September, but it also confirmed that projects specifically necessary for connecting solar onto the grid would face “enhanced” reviews.

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