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Reading the Supreme Court’s decision in Sackett v. EPA might cause you to question your grasp of the English language. Wetlands are wet but are they water? What is water, anyway? Is it distinct from “waters,” plural? How about the word “adjacent” — does it mean “next to” or is it a nonsensical string of syllables signifying nothing?
Even attempting to explain the breakdown of the court’s decision, issued Thursday, requires small abuses of language. The ruling was “nominally unanimous” in that all the justices technically agreed the Environmental Protection Agency overstepped its jurisdiction when it dinged Michael and Chantell Sackett of Idaho in violation of the Clean Waters Act after they backfilled their property with dirt and rocks in preparation for construction. (The EPA claimed the Sackett’s land was protected wetland; in this specific case, the justices didn’t buy it). But the judges were far from unanimous in their reading of the law more broadly, with conservative Justice Brett Kavanaugh notably breaking from his ideological cohorts to issue a scathing clarifying opinion that was joined by the court’s four liberal judges.
Sackett v. EPA was probably always going to come down to semantics. The case marked the latest chapter in a decades-long legal debate over what counts as “waters” when it comes to the “waters of the United States,” which are federally protected by the 1972 Clear Water Act (CWA). In 1975, the Army Corps clarified that wetlands that are “adjacent to other navigable waters” should be considered a part of that protected body of water, and Congress codified this definition in 1977 when it made amendments to the CWA. This conventional interpretation of the words “waters” and “adjacent” had been the standard for 45 years and survived eight presidential administrations.
But hey, what is a word, really? Who decides what it means? Writing for the five other conservative justices, Samuel Alito proposed that wetlands might not be continuously wet enough to count as part of the larger protected whole:
The EPA argues that “waters” is “naturally read to encompass wetlands” because the “presence of water is ‘universally regarded as the most basic feature of wetlands...’”
… which, yeah, of course. Any child can tell you that wetlands are wet and that the “wet” in question is caused by water, not hot lava or buttermilk. But lo! “[T]hat reading proves too much,” Alito said. “Consider puddles, which are also defined by the ordinary presence of water even though few would describe them as ‘waters.’” It’s not even a creative false equivalency; besides, no one is trying to protect puddles.
Alito further fretted that by allowing for a definition of wetlands that includes, uh, wetlands, landowners could face “crushing” fines for “inadvertent violations” of the Clean Water Act “like moving dirt.” As Alito worried, “What are landowners to do if they want to build on their property?” (“Don’t pollute American waterways” seems like a pretty reasonable answer to that question!)
The real battle, though, boiled down to the word “adjacent.” In a 2006 Supreme Court opinion for Rapanos v. United States, the late conservative Antonin Scalia wrote for the plurality that wetlands only count as protected when they are “indistinguishable from waters of the United States.” (The court was divided and the case was ultimately sent back to the Sixth Circuit.)
By this unorthodox interpretation, the Clean Water Act would only protect “wetlands with a continuous surface connection” to protected waters, as Alito endorsed and wrote in the opinion released Thursday. What this means in real life is that when wetlands are separated from a larger body of protected water by something like a man-made levee or a naturally occurring berm or a sand dune — as many wetlands are — then the wetland in question is not indistinguishable from the larger body of water and thus no longer federally protected.
You might notice that “adjacent” and “continuous” are two different words. When Congress adopted the Army Corps’ language for protecting American waters from pollution, it did not protect wetlands that are “indistinguishable from other waters” but rather wetlands that are adjacent to other waters. As Kavanaugh pointed out:
The ordinary meaning of the term “adjacent” has not changed since Congress amended the Clean Water Act in 1977 to expressly cover “wetlands adjacent” to waters of the United States. Then as now, “adjacent” means lying near or close to, neighboring, or not widely separated. Indeed, the definitions of “adjacent” are notably explicit that two things need not touch each other in order to be adjacent.
Alito’s argument that adjacent means the same thing as adjoining goes “against all indications of ordinary meaning,” Kavanaugh added.
This isn’t just semantic nitpicking. The consequences of changing the definition of “adjacent” to something more like “an extension of” have huge ramifications for what the EPA can now protect. Because of that interpretation, millions of acres of wetlands theoretically just lost their federal protections. The Mississippi River, for example, uses levees to control flooding, but under Alito’s definition of “continuous surface connection,” such barriers would “seemingly preclude Clean Water Act coverage of adjacent wetlands on the other side,” Kavanaugh wrote. Federal protection of the Chesapeake Bay might also be up in the air for similar reasons.
Justice Elena Kagan, in her own extra spicy opinion joined by the other court liberals, ripped into the conservative majority for its word games. “[T]he majority shelves the usual rules of interpretation — reading the text, determining what the words used there mean, and applying that ordinary understanding concurring in judgment even if it conflicts with judges’ policy preferences,” she slammed, then added for good measure: “One last time: ‘Adjacent’ means neighboring, whether or not touching ... That congressional judgment is as clear as clear can be — which is to say, as clear as language gets.”
Of course, the decision isn’t about clarity or standard definitions. It’s about muddying the waters. What, after all, do we now make of wetlands that have surface water levels that fluctuate due to tides or dry spells? What of manmade barriers that existed before their builders knew the structures would cut off a wetland from federal protection? What even counts as a “continuous surface connection” — does a ditch? A pipe? How do we make sense of naturally shifting landscapes like dunes that temporarily cut off wetlands, only to eventually melt away again due to erosion or winds?
The conservative justices are more interested in exploitable ambiguities than answers to these questions.
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On offshore wind's defense, Three Mile Island, and virtual power plants
Current conditions: Heavy hail storms across Belgium, France, and Italy have injured at least 30 people • Powerful winds are churning up dust storms that are blanketing broad swaths of Delhi, India’s capital region • The United Nations just warned that El Niño weather patterns have an 80% chance of returning by September, threatening to supercharge weather extremes.
New York Attorney General Letitia James led a group of Northeast states in a lawsuit against the Trump administration to pay TotalEnergies nearly $1 billion to abandon its two offshore wind leases in the United States. The lawsuit comes on the heels of reporting by Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo that found, contrary to the administration’s announcements, the U.S. government’s agreement with Total didn’t actually require any new investments in fossil fuels, as the administration strongly implied, and that the payment may not have actually met the requirements to be drawn from a federal coffer designed to fund legal settlements. “After repeatedly losing in court, this administration cooked up a sham deal to pay a foreign energy company hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to abandon offshore wind and invest in oil and gas instead,” James said in a press release. “We are fighting back to stop this illegal agreement that threatens to erase over a thousand union jobs and cheat millions of New Yorkers out of clean, affordable energy.” New Jersey, Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont joined the litigation.
Meanwhile, New York State lawmakers are preparing to pass legislation enacting a one-year moratorium on large centers by the end of the week, Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie told Gothamist, as Democrats caution that the grid can’t handle the new demand. On X, reporter Jimmy Vielkind warned that it’s unclear whether Governor Kathy Hochul would sign the bill. Data from the website Data Center Map shows that the state has more than 130 data centers, nearly half of which are located in the New York City metropolitan area.

The House of Representatives voted Tuesday to pass a package of bills aimed at bolstering development of geothermal energy in the U.S. The package overhauls geothermal-specific rules for permitting and land sales to speed up the timelines for deploying the technology. In a statement, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a progressive from New York who is widely discussed as a potential contender for the 2028 Democratic presidential nod, thanked her Republican colleagues for working across the aisle on the legislation. “At a time of extreme political polarization, this package shows that Congress can still come together on commonsense solutions to better the lives of the American people,” she said.
Meanwhile, the Trump administration is eliminating a network of sensors designed to track environmental changes off America’s shores. A decade ago, the U.S. government built a $368 million deep-ocean observation system to monitor coastal environments and marine life and track the shifting ocean currents that affect global weather patterns. Not for long. On Tuesday, The New York Times reported that the National Science Foundation planned to “dismantle” the system, removing more than 900 deep-sea instruments anchored off Oregon, Washington State, Alaska, North Carolina, and the Irminger Sea between Greenland and Iceland. The federal agency said the decision to scrap the Ocean Observatories Initiative aligns with a “wider strategy to have a nimbler approach to prioritizing support for evolving scientific priorities.” But Craig McLean, a former acting chief scientist at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration during President Donald Trump’s first term, said the move “reflects the further lack of understanding that the current administration has of scientific value and scientific merit.” He added: “By dismantling such a system, we push the United States back yet again into a rear seat in global scientific leadership.”
The world’s meager capacity to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere already falls far short of what’s needed to bend the curve on climate change. Now, as Emily wrote of a new report, “the chasm is widening.” On Tuesday, the academic consortium behind the State of Carbon Dioxide Removal report put out the third version of the analysis. The findings are sobering. While research and deployment of carbon removal technologies has made progress in the past two years, it is still not growing quickly enough to reach the scale required to support the Paris Agreement temperature limits. “We’re seeing a lot of signs that there’s still growth happening,” Morgan Edwards, an assistant professor of public affairs at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and one of the authors, told Emily. “But we need to see a step change in both early indicators like investment and also actual deployments” between now and 2030, in addition to major emission reductions.
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The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission has given Constellation Energy, the nation’s largest operator of nuclear plants, approval to transfer the right to connect to the grid from its Eddystone gas-fired plant outside Philadelphia to the Three Mile Island nuclear plant. The approval marks a major step forward for Constellation’s plan to turn the defunct atomic station into its new Crane Clean Energy Center and begin producing electricity as early as next year. Previously, PJM Interconnection, the regional grid operator, had warned that the plant could not begin supplying new power until 2031. But Constellation said this week’s waiver puts it back on track for a 2027 restart.
Meanwhile, Europe’s top producer of nuclear fuel is ramping up its capacity in the U.S. Urenco, the nuclear fuel enricher co-owned by the British and Dutch governments, on Tuesday announced plans to expand capacity at the only U.S. commercial uranium enrichment facility by nearly 50%, marking what it called a major commitment to strengthening the domestic supply chain. The multi-billion-dollar investment will increase the output from the firm’s National Enrichment Facility in Eunice, New Mexico. “For more than 15 years, Urenco USA has provided its U.S. utility customers with a reliable domestic supply of enriched uranium to power their nuclear reactors,” Boris Schucht, the chief executive of Urenco Global, said in a statement. “This expansion reinforces our commitment to a resilient U.S. nuclear fuel supply chain focused on meeting the long-term needs of our customers as well as supporting U.S. energy security through continued investment by Urenco.”
Virtual power plants — software that can tap into networks of distributed energy resources such as solar panels and batteries to supply the grid in times of need — are having a moment as demand from data centers runs laps around any new supply. And while my colleague Katie Brigham recently outlined the steep challenges this technology faces, the deals keep coming. On Tuesday, Google announced a three-year deal with the VPP provider Voltus to supply up to 100 megawatts of new electricity capacity from distributed resources in the country’s highly stressed largest grid, PJM Interconnection. “Under the agreement, Voltus will orchestrate flexible distributed resources — such as batteries and smart thermostats — to reduce energy demand when the grid needs it, paying the local homes and businesses who participate,” Michael Terrell, Google’s global head of advanced energy, wrote in a blog post. “This enables new capacity for the system, channels investment into local communities, and strengthens the grids that serve our data centers.”
Nearly a year after launching a new company focused on manufacturing next-generation medium-voltage power electronics that can better integrate solar, wind, and data centers onto the grid, former Tesla executive Drew Baglino has struck a major deal. His new startup, Heron Power, just inked an agreement with LG Energy Solution to integrate its solid-state transformer technology with the South Korean battery giant’s energy storage systems in the U.S. “This collaboration reflects a shared commitment to advancing American energy manufacturing and delivering next-generation infrastructure at scale,” Baglino, who serves as Heron’s chief executive, said in a statement. “By engineering a holistic solution together, we are unlocking higher power density, greater efficiency, and faster deployment for developers building the grid of the future.”
A new Heatmap Pro poll shows a rapid shift in public opinion since last fall.
Americans have changed their minds about data centers. Decisively.
At least seven in 10 Americans would now oppose a data center being built near their home, according to a new Heatmap Pro poll, a record low that reveals a staggering shift in public opinion against the facilities powering the artificial intelligence boom.
The survey, conducted by Embold Research, finds that an outright majority of Americans are now strongly opposed to data center construction in their area. Young people, Democrats, and rural voters are more hostile to the projects, but they are broadly unpopular with Americans across geographic and political categories.
The new result reflects a rapid and profound shift in public opinion.
When Heatmap first asked Americans how they would feel about a nearby data center project last September, Americans were evenly split: 43% said they would support it, 42% were opposed, and 15% said they weren’t sure.
When asked the same question in February, Americans were more skeptical. Forty-eight percent said they would support a data center project or weren’t sure, while 51% opposed one in their area.
Now, 55% of Americans — an absolute majority — “strongly” oppose a data center project built near where they live, and an additional 16% are “somewhat” opposed. Only 21% of Americans would support a new nearby data center. The public has swung 49 points against data centers in just nine months, underscoring the heightened political salience of the facilities and the AI industry that they embody.
Other statistics suggest that the public’s skepticism of data centers is surging. At least 20 data center projects were canceled after facing significant public backlash in the first quarter of this year, according to Heatmap Pro data released last month. That is more than double the number that were canceled the previous quarter, the data shows.
The canceled projects from the first quarter wiped out more than $41 billion in planned investment and at least 3.5 gigawatts of electricity demand, according to the Heatmap Pro review.
Little wonder: The new polling shows that skepticism of data centers is widespread across all age groups, political parties, and regions of the country. Some 78% of Americans who said they voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election would oppose a local data center project; so would 63% of Americans who reported voting for Donald Trump. And no region of the U.S. saw less than 69% data center opposition.
For the past decade, many political issues have polarized along urban and rural lines, with city dwellers lining up on the liberal side of an issue and rural voters trending more conservative. But the new poll suggests data centers may be defying that trend: Data centers are slightly more unpopular among rural voters than among other voters.
Americans in smaller communities were 54 points opposed, on net, to a data center getting built near their home — in other words, 73% opposed a project, while 19% supported it. Suburbanites and urban voters were 48 and 47 points net opposed, respectively.
Young voters are also strongly against data centers. Eighty percent of Americans ages 18 to 34 said they would oppose a new data center near where they live.
Republicans, non-white Americans, and people who did not go to college are slightly more supportive of data centers in their communities than the median, but even that left the developments at least 30 points underwater.
Just 5% of Democrats, by contrast, said they would “strongly” support a data center getting built in their area, with another 10% describing partial support. Sixty-three percent of Democrats would strongly oppose the project and another 15% would somewhat oppose it.
Five percent of independents would strongly support a data center in their area, with 11% somewhat in support. Seventy-two percent of independents would be strongly or somewhat opposed to such a project.
The Heatmap Pro poll of 4,118 American registered voters was conducted by Embold Research via text-to-web responses from May 15 to 28, 2026. The survey included interviews with Americans in all 50 states and Washington, D.C. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 1.6 percentage points.
Attorney General Letitia James leads a group of states suing the administration’s move to buy back two offshore wind leases.
A group of Northeast attorneys general led by New York’s Letitia James is suing the Trump administration for paying TotalEnergies nearly $1 billion to walk away from its two U.S. offshore wind leases.
The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on Tuesday, alleges that the government’s settlement agreement with Total violates the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act, the statute governing offshore wind, as well as the Judgment Fund Act, which controls the pot of money the federal government uses to pay legal settlements. The other plaintiffs are New Jersey, Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont.
“After repeatedly losing in court, this administration cooked up a sham deal to pay a foreign energy company hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to abandon offshore wind and invest in oil and gas instead,” James said in a press release. “We are fighting back to stop this illegal agreement that threatens to erase over a thousand union jobs and cheat millions of New Yorkers out of clean, affordable energy.”
On March 23, the Interior Department announced it had reached an agreement with Total to cancel two offshore wind leases — one in the New York area, and one near North Carolina — and refund the $928 million cost back to the company; in exchange, the announcement said, Total would invest an equivalent amount in U.S. oil and gas projects. In a later release, the department said it would pay Total from the Judgment Fund, a permanently appropriated pot of money overseen by the Treasury Department used to settle ongoing or imminent litigation.
According to the signed settlement agreement, the Trump administration said that it would have suspended construction on the lease indefinitely due to national security concerns, after which Total would have claimed breach of contract, but instead, the two parties settled.
James’ lawsuit claims that this does not meet the Judgment Fund’s standard for imminent litigation. “A hypothetical lawsuit to challenge an agency action that had not even been threatened — here, the suspension or cancellation of the Lease — does not constitute actual or imminent litigation under the Judgment Fund Act,” it says.
The lawsuit also contends that there was no actual disagreement between the parties. Both Total and the Trump administration wanted to cancel the leases, it says, citing reporting from Axios in which Total’s CEO asserted that the agreement “came from us — we took the initiative.”
If the parties wanted to cancel the leases, they could have done so legally under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act. But the government’s actions violate that statute as well, according to the lawsuit. Proper procedure would have required a hearing to investigate whether continued activity on the lease would cause serious harm to the environment or national security, and whether the advantages of cancelling outweigh those of continuing to honor the lease. The law also requires the administration to notify and coordinate with the governors of affected states, which the Interior Department did not do, the suit argues.
The states that brought the lawsuit allege the terminations will harm their economies, energy grids, and climate goals. New Jersey awarded a contract to one of Total’s offshore wind projects, called Attentive Energy Two, in 2024; the finished development would have provided the state 1.3 gigawatts of power, enough to power about 650,000 homes. On its own, the agreement would have gone a third of the way toward fulfilling a state law passed in 2018 that required New Jersey to procure 3.5 gigawatts of offshore wind energy. In addition to feeding the state’s tight electricity market, in which demand is now outpacing supply, the Attentive Energy Project would have delivered an estimated $3.1 billion in direct, indirect, and induced benefits into New Jersey’s economy.
New York did not have an active contract with any projects under development within the leased areas, but it was anticipating Total bidding into the state’s next round of offshore wind solicitations, according to the lawsuit. The state has many aging power plants nearing retirement, and its grid operator has warned that the New York City area faces a reliability risk without new generation coming online. Total’s project would have provided “critical energy diversity benefits” to the city, the suit says.
The Interior Department disputed the basis for the lawsuit, telling Heatmap that “the only thing blatantly unlawful here was the process by which these offshore wind leases were negotiated and imposed under the Biden administration.” A spokesperson reiterated that “there were serious national security risks that demanded immediate attention,” although did not elaborate on what those risks were. They also emphasized that the settlement agreements were voluntary and were approved by the Department of Justice.
“Attempts to rewrite history now cannot erase the reality of these projects and the damage they could cause,” they said.
Offshore wind advocates, however, applauded the suit. “We commend the Northeast Governors for standing up again against actions that threaten jobs, investment, and the nation's ability to meet growing electricity demand with an affordable and reliable energy source,” Liz Burdock, the president and CEO of the Oceantic Network, said.