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At COP28, Norway was consistently on the right side of climate. Why?

The annual COP 28 gathering is over, and it’s about time. As Robinson Meyer writes here at Heatmap, many important things came out of the conference, despite the utter joke of holding it in a notorious oil dictatorship — the United Arab Emirates — with the head of that country’s state oil company serving as president.
Yet another major oil-producing country at the conference was consistently on the right side of climate, namely Norway. The Norwegian delegation advocated for aggressive climate action, including a large energy transition fund to be focused on the poorest countries, announced millions in new investment to protect the rainforest in Brazil and for disaster insurance in Africa. Most importantly, it consistently pushed for a final agreement to phase out the use of fossil fuels. “It is not enough to say 1.5, we have to do 1.5. We have to deliver accordingly,” said Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide. Saudi Arabia, Russia, and China opposed this language. Eventually the conference settled on an agreement to “transition away from” rather than “phase out,” which while disappointing is better than nothing.
Why didn’t Norway side with its fellow oil-producing nations? The reason is decades ago, it approached its oil reserves wisely, both economically and politically. This has allowed it to enjoy the benefits of oil without becoming an oil-addicted petrostate.
On the economics, Norway has taken a frankly socialist approach. When the North Sea oil deposits were discovered in the 1960s, it did not simply sell off the rights to a private company. Instead the government declared the deposits the collective property of the Norwegian citizenry and founded a state-owned company, Statoil (now Equinor). That in turned hired Mobil to teach it how to build an offshore drilling platform, built up its own expertise from there, and is now one of the biggest offshore drilling companies in the world. The company was formally sold into the stock market in 2001, but the government still owns more than two-thirds of the shares. It’s a perfect example of that typically Nordic combination of idealism and extreme technical expertise.
A corollary of its state-led oil development is what Norway does with the resulting revenue — it invests it in a social wealth fund. The primary point of this is to avoid “Dutch disease,” in which a country experiencing a resource boom sees a movement of labor into the resource sector, as well as an influx of foreign currency. The labor shift increases costs for other industries, while the foreign currency pushes up the value of the domestic currency, making exports less competitive. This effect is why big oil-producing nations tend to experience deindustrialization.
Norway was already quite wealthy when it discovered oil, and the government wanted to preserve its industrial base, and did not want to become dependent on the wildly gyrating global market price of oil. So instead of spending the revenues on subsidies for the citizenry, or on the government budget, it invested the proceeds in the Government Pension Fund Global. This fund has become truly colossal over the years, with some $1.4 trillion in it — representing about $255,000 for each Norwegian citizen.
As Matt Bruenig points out at The People’s Policy Project, if you impute Norway’s state-owned wealth to individual Norwegians (which makes sense given that Norway is a healthy democracy), then the share of wealth owned by the top 1 percent falls from 53 percent to 27 percent, making it arguably the most equal country in terms of wealth in the world.
Incidentally, Norway’s experience provides an important lesson for other countries that hit upon resource strikes, whether it’s oil in Guyana or lithium in Chile. A sudden surge of resource revenues sounds like a lucky break, but it can do serious damage to your economy if you aren’t careful. Just look at Venezuela, which was devastated when the price of oil collapsed in 2014 (though that wasn’t its only problem). You can spend the first few checks on needed infrastructure upgrades, of course, but over the long term you want to sock the money away into a diversified investment portfolio that doesn’t ruin the rest of your economy and can provide reasonably predictable returns over the long term.
But another point of the state investment model is political. Oil is quite profitable, and if private companies are getting the money, a nation will see a marked increase in inequality, and develop a class of ultra-rich people with concomitant distorting effects on politics. Oil billionaires (like Charles Koch or Tim Dunn) are notoriously reactionary even by billionaire standards, and that’s saying a lot. It may have something to do with the fact that, as a rule, oil company owners neither create, nor discover, nor work to produce the oil that makes them so fabulously rich (that would be nature, scientists, and workers respectively), and so cultivate a snarling hatred of taxation and government regulation to compensate for so plainly not deserving their wealth.
Whatever the case, oil magnates have vast funds for lobbying, which they use to attempt to capture the state for their own purposes — again, just look at America, or Canada. An extreme case of oil capture can be seen in Saudi Arabia or the U.A.E., which have wealth funds formally similar to Norway, but being dictatorships, ended up with governments actually constituted of oil billionaires, as if North Dakota was a hereditary monarchy.
The relative lack of oil influence also helps explain why Norway has set up one of the more aggressive decarbonization programs in the world. Now, its electricity sector has long been mostly decarbonized already thanks to tremendous hydropower resources, but that has made its crash transition away from oil-powered transportation all the more effective. Using a combination of subsidies and hefty, increasing taxes on gas- and oil-powered vehicles, the government has ensured that fully 80 percent of cars and trucks sold in Norway today are EVs, and that figure will continue to increase. Much work remains to be done (and EVs, while an improvement, are no magic bullet) but Norwegian carbon dioxide emissions per person plateaued in the late 90s and have since fallen by about a quarter, to 7.5 metric tons (or about half the American figure).
And this has been done with full knowledge that moving away from oil will mean substantial economic pain. A plan the government first adopted in 2019 faced the fact squarely: “Growth will have to take place in sectors where there is no economic resource rent. This means that tax revenues will be lower and companies cannot expect as high a return on their capital as in the petroleum sector.”
Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E., of course, depend heavily on oil and gas for energy, and produce truly eye-popping emissions.
Now, I shouldn’t exaggerate the greatness of Norway here. Equinor has had its share of spills and scandals. And of course, it would have been better if humanity had never used oil in the first place. But for the time being, humanity needs oil to function, and Norway has provided that oil in about the least-damaging way imaginable — not least because now that the world must wean itself off fossil fuels, Norway is both able and willing to turn off the taps.
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The focus on affordability could put the party in a bind.
It’s bad when gas prices are high.
This was close to the consensus explanation for the size and scale of the Democratic victory on Tuesday, with even Donald Trump admitting it in his own way, telling Fox News, “We actually have the greatest economy … but because of the gasoline price, people don’t see it as much as they would have without it.”
In exit polls, 87% of respondents told NBC they were somewhat or very concerned about the price of gas and diesel. Annie Andrews, who had perhaps the most shocking Senate win of the night (at least at the time of publication) in South Carolina, called for suspending state and federal taxes on diesel and gasoline.
At first blush, this may seem awkward for advocates who want more aggressive action on climate change. After all, decarbonization requires moving towards electrified mass transit and personal transportation — not lowering gas prices.
But climate groups were happy to point to high gas prices as an explanation for the Republican humiliation at the polls. “Republicans backed Trump at every turn, blocking cheaper clean energy and supporting a war that drove up gas prices. Tonight, that record cost them,” Climate Power President Lori Lodes said in a statement.
And it wasn’t just gas! Scott Colom, who may yet pull off the most shocking upset when all races are called, ran a viral ad slamming his Republican opponent Cindy Hyde-Smith for her suggestion that, in response to high beef prices, Mississippians should realize there are “so many proteins to choose from.” We’re a long way from the notorious Green New Deal factsheet and its lament that “we aren’t sure that we will be able to fully get rid of, for example, emissions from cows.”
For Democrats and climate advocates, the midterm wave is a clear sign that their approach to energy policy — and politics — has been proven out. “This was the affordability election,” Climate Cabinet Executive Director Caroline Spears said in a press call Wednesday. “Utility bills, electricity prices, gas prices, affordability came up over and over and over on the doors.”
Americans’ outrage over high gas and electricity prices provides the perfect opportunity to pivot to advocating for increased deployment of renewable power, the thinking goes. “These are winning issues, and we proved that big time last night, because simultaneously everything we do to get people cheaper energy, we’re also getting them cleaner energy,” former Washington Governor Jay Inslee said on the Climate Cabinet call. “It’s our responsibility and our advantage to add some discussion of climate when we lead with the discussion of cost in these clean energy systems,” he added.
But some Democratic strategists were more cautious, seeing some of the most notable Democratic victories as vindicating a strategy of being more open to the oil and gas industry.
Adam Jentleson, founder and president of the Searchlight Institute, said in a statement that Democrats benefitted from adopting “heterodox” positions, pointing specifically to James Talarico “embracing the fossil fuel industry as critical to the Texas economy.” Bobby Pulido, another victorious Texas Democrat supported by Searchlight, has defended the oil and gas industry as a major job provider in his South Texas district.
“Voters gave us a mandate to focus on affordability,” Jentleson told me. “There are things we can do that tackle both carbon emissions and affordability, starting with permitting reform. Let’s focus on those priorities.”
While Democrats on the trail spoke little about decarbonizing the electric grid by 2035 or reaching net zero by 2050, all the happy talk in the world about how “cheap is clean and clean is cheap” won’t resolve real conflicts and tradeoffs when it comes to energy and fossil fuels. The Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, which several analysts say will lower energy costs compared to the baseline, has already split the Democratic Party — with the main line of criticism being that it’s too friendly to fossil fuel projects.
Climate advocates are convinced they can turn dissatisfaction with expensive gasoline into support for non-emitting alternatives powered by renewable energy. Any new Democratic administration would immediately face pressure to not just support renewables deployment, but also to restrict oil and gas exploration and production and the construction of new fossil fuel infrastructure, thus potentially raising prices and hurting the domestic industry.
In short, “cheap is clean and clean is cheap” isn’t an axiom, but an argument that needs to be won.
On Democrats’ very good night, Russian uranium, and a cane toad plague
Current conditions: Heavy rainfall in Florida and the Southwest caused flooding that forced local officials to enact emergency Election Day measures to make accommodate voters • Temperatures are up to nearly 90 degrees Fahrenheit amid a major rainstorm in Puerto Rico, the most populous U.S. territory, where the limits of federal representation mean there was no election yesterday • The eastern Pacific basin has broken multiple records with 24 named storms and 13 hurricanes so far, and nearly four weeks before the season ends.

In 2010, then-President Barack Obama introduced the term “shellacking” into the American political lexicon when he described the depth of Democrats’ loss in the midterm elections. Sixteen years later, Democrats are the ones doing the shellacking. The party surged to victory in places long considered deep-red GOP strongholds. Kansas elected Adam Hamilton as its first Democratic U.S. senator in 94 years. Texas hadn’t elected a Democrat statewide in 32 years, yet gave the party a U.S. Senate seat and the governor’s mansion. South Carolina’s incoming Democratic senator is its first since 1998. Hours before polls closed in the nation’s westernmost reaches, Democrats had won control over both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
Ahead of the vote, I spoke to half a dozen experts on what we should expect from the new Democratic Congress. Among the energy policies the party will want to enact: Restrictions on data centers, a restoration of renewable energy tax credits, and the creation of a new tax credit to support batteries. Among the issues expected to see congressional probes: Trump’s gutting of climate rules, funding cuts for clean energy, deals to kill offshore wind projects, and the redirection of Department of Energy funding from green projects to dirty ones. Aligning with Democrats on the need for clean energy tax credits wasn’t enough to save many Republicans in blue and purple states. At least nine Republicans who signed at least one public letter calling on the Trump administration to preserve tax credits for renewables lost reelection Tuesday night, including Jen Kiggans of Virginia, Juan Ciscomani of Arizona, Gabe Evans of Colorado, David Valadao of California, Mike Lawler of New York, Thomas Kean Jr. of New Jersey, Mariannette Miller-Meeks of Iowa, and Ryan Mackenzie and Rob Bresnahan, both of Pennsylvania.
To go deeper into the outcomes of the election, check out these stories by my colleagues:
Strange bedfellows are coming together to form the Responsible Data Center Development Collaborative. In an election night scoop, The Hill reported that green groups such as the Sierra Club, the League of Conservation Voters, and the Natural Resources Defense Council were working with Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, and Google to develop “a common national framework for responsible data development.” The document, leaked to the publication, details the need for “durable economic development,” “more affordable, reliable, and emissions-free energy,” and “community agency and support for responsibly developed projects.” Other parties involved in the effort include the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Anthropic, Nvidia, and Oracle.
The world’s biggest banks, meanwhile, are once again making more money from green energy projects than fossil fuel ones. For a fifth straight year, according to a Bloomberg analysis published Tuesday, the 2025 revenue from servicing debt on climate-related financing topped $3 billion, eclipsing the $2.9 billion from deals for oil, gas, and coal producers.
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The U.S. is racing to replace the Russian enriched uranium that fuels roughly a quarter of its fleet of civilian nuclear plants before federal law bans imports at the end of next year. Industry sources tell me that utilities have about enough fuel to get through the end of the decade before the absence of Russian uranium starts forcing reactors to shut down. Some still expect Trump to find a way to intervene, like when he unilaterally relaxed sanctions on Russian diesel last month. But the few U.S. uranium enrichers that survived the 1990s and 2000s, when cheap imports put much of the domestic industry out of business, are scrambling to erect new centrifuges and pump out more fuel. A new player, the Peter Thiel-backed General Matter, is on track to begin construction as early as next year, as I reported last week. On Monday, Urenco USA, the American subsidiary of the European enrichment giant, announced that it had churned out its first shipment of LEU+, the higher-enriched version of low-enrich uranium that U.S. utilities are pioneering. The Kremlin, however, is beefing up its own operations to maintain its share of the global market. On Tuesday, NucNet reported that Russia planned to build a new facility to process uranium from two mining sites in Zabaikalsky Krai, a landlocked federal jurisdiction in the Russian Far East covering much of the area once known as Transbaikal. The two deposits, located more than 3,700 miles from Moscow, are part of one of the largest volcanic-hosted uranium clusters in the world. Russia is developing the new processing plant in hopes of shoring up its supplies for export.
Meanwhile, Germany is showing signs of the energy vulnerabilities that may have encouraged Russia’s invasion of Ukraine nearly five years ago. In 2021, Germany and much of Western Europe burned through its stores of natural gas to make up for a shortfall of wind power during a “dunkelflaute,” a period in which previously forecasted gusts never blew. That intensified the pain when Brussels was seeking to cut off Russian supplies and the Kremlin throttled the flow of gas into pipelines. On Tuesday, Reuters reported that Germany has entered winter with its lowest gas stocks on record, far below the EU average.
A California court ruled this week in favor of activists seeking to shut down a first-of-a-kind carbon capture project in inland Kern County, north of Santa Barbara. The decision found that the Carbon TerraVault I, which stores CO2 captured from the California Resources Corporation’s Elk Hills cryogenic natural gas-processing facility, broke the California Environmental Quality Act by failing to evaluate, disclose and mitigate potential environmental effects from the facility. The facility, which started running in May, must now halt all operations until it can carry out a new environmental review. “This is a tremendous victory for Kern County communities,” Lupe Martinez, an advocate with the community group Delano Guardians, said in a statement. “We live in one of the most polluted regions in the nation, yet the county and powerful corporations attempted to push forward a project that threatened our air, water, and public health without conducting the proper environmental review required by law.”
It feels almost biblical. One of the world’s biggest mining companies is facing a brutal invasion of toads. Rio Tinto plans to spend $20 million to battle what the Financial Times called “a marauding can toad that is threatening to encroach on Australia’s iron ore-rich Pilbara region.” The company is working with scientists to establish a “kill zone” between the Indian Ocean and the Great Sandy Desert in Western Australia. While the amphibians don’t affect Rio Tinto’s mining operations, an invasive pest that upsets the region’s unique biodiversity threatens to make future permitting harder since regulators will face new pressures to protect endangered native species.
Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.