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At COP28, Norway was consistently on the right side of climate. Why?
The annual COP 28 gathering is over, and it’s about time. As Robinson Meyer writes here at Heatmap, many important things came out of the conference, despite the utter joke of holding it in a notorious oil dictatorship — the United Arab Emirates — with the head of that country’s state oil company serving as president.
Yet another major oil-producing country at the conference was consistently on the right side of climate, namely Norway. The Norwegian delegation advocated for aggressive climate action, including a large energy transition fund to be focused on the poorest countries, announced millions in new investment to protect the rainforest in Brazil and for disaster insurance in Africa. Most importantly, it consistently pushed for a final agreement to phase out the use of fossil fuels. “It is not enough to say 1.5, we have to do 1.5. We have to deliver accordingly,” said Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide. Saudi Arabia, Russia, and China opposed this language. Eventually the conference settled on an agreement to “transition away from” rather than “phase out,” which while disappointing is better than nothing.
Why didn’t Norway side with its fellow oil-producing nations? The reason is decades ago, it approached its oil reserves wisely, both economically and politically. This has allowed it to enjoy the benefits of oil without becoming an oil-addicted petrostate.
On the economics, Norway has taken a frankly socialist approach. When the North Sea oil deposits were discovered in the 1960s, it did not simply sell off the rights to a private company. Instead the government declared the deposits the collective property of the Norwegian citizenry and founded a state-owned company, Statoil (now Equinor). That in turned hired Mobil to teach it how to build an offshore drilling platform, built up its own expertise from there, and is now one of the biggest offshore drilling companies in the world. The company was formally sold into the stock market in 2001, but the government still owns more than two-thirds of the shares. It’s a perfect example of that typically Nordic combination of idealism and extreme technical expertise.
A corollary of its state-led oil development is what Norway does with the resulting revenue — it invests it in a social wealth fund. The primary point of this is to avoid “Dutch disease,” in which a country experiencing a resource boom sees a movement of labor into the resource sector, as well as an influx of foreign currency. The labor shift increases costs for other industries, while the foreign currency pushes up the value of the domestic currency, making exports less competitive. This effect is why big oil-producing nations tend to experience deindustrialization.
Norway was already quite wealthy when it discovered oil, and the government wanted to preserve its industrial base, and did not want to become dependent on the wildly gyrating global market price of oil. So instead of spending the revenues on subsidies for the citizenry, or on the government budget, it invested the proceeds in the Government Pension Fund Global. This fund has become truly colossal over the years, with some $1.4 trillion in it — representing about $255,000 for each Norwegian citizen.
As Matt Bruenig points out at The People’s Policy Project, if you impute Norway’s state-owned wealth to individual Norwegians (which makes sense given that Norway is a healthy democracy), then the share of wealth owned by the top 1 percent falls from 53 percent to 27 percent, making it arguably the most equal country in terms of wealth in the world.
Incidentally, Norway’s experience provides an important lesson for other countries that hit upon resource strikes, whether it’s oil in Guyana or lithium in Chile. A sudden surge of resource revenues sounds like a lucky break, but it can do serious damage to your economy if you aren’t careful. Just look at Venezuela, which was devastated when the price of oil collapsed in 2014 (though that wasn’t its only problem). You can spend the first few checks on needed infrastructure upgrades, of course, but over the long term you want to sock the money away into a diversified investment portfolio that doesn’t ruin the rest of your economy and can provide reasonably predictable returns over the long term.
But another point of the state investment model is political. Oil is quite profitable, and if private companies are getting the money, a nation will see a marked increase in inequality, and develop a class of ultra-rich people with concomitant distorting effects on politics. Oil billionaires (like Charles Koch or Tim Dunn) are notoriously reactionary even by billionaire standards, and that’s saying a lot. It may have something to do with the fact that, as a rule, oil company owners neither create, nor discover, nor work to produce the oil that makes them so fabulously rich (that would be nature, scientists, and workers respectively), and so cultivate a snarling hatred of taxation and government regulation to compensate for so plainly not deserving their wealth.
Whatever the case, oil magnates have vast funds for lobbying, which they use to attempt to capture the state for their own purposes — again, just look at America, or Canada. An extreme case of oil capture can be seen in Saudi Arabia or the U.A.E., which have wealth funds formally similar to Norway, but being dictatorships, ended up with governments actually constituted of oil billionaires, as if North Dakota was a hereditary monarchy.
The relative lack of oil influence also helps explain why Norway has set up one of the more aggressive decarbonization programs in the world. Now, its electricity sector has long been mostly decarbonized already thanks to tremendous hydropower resources, but that has made its crash transition away from oil-powered transportation all the more effective. Using a combination of subsidies and hefty, increasing taxes on gas- and oil-powered vehicles, the government has ensured that fully 80 percent of cars and trucks sold in Norway today are EVs, and that figure will continue to increase. Much work remains to be done (and EVs, while an improvement, are no magic bullet) but Norwegian carbon dioxide emissions per person plateaued in the late 90s and have since fallen by about a quarter, to 7.5 metric tons (or about half the American figure).
And this has been done with full knowledge that moving away from oil will mean substantial economic pain. A plan the government first adopted in 2019 faced the fact squarely: “Growth will have to take place in sectors where there is no economic resource rent. This means that tax revenues will be lower and companies cannot expect as high a return on their capital as in the petroleum sector.”
Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E., of course, depend heavily on oil and gas for energy, and produce truly eye-popping emissions.
Now, I shouldn’t exaggerate the greatness of Norway here. Equinor has had its share of spills and scandals. And of course, it would have been better if humanity had never used oil in the first place. But for the time being, humanity needs oil to function, and Norway has provided that oil in about the least-damaging way imaginable — not least because now that the world must wean itself off fossil fuels, Norway is both able and willing to turn off the taps.
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A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.
Long Islanders, meanwhile, are showing up in support of offshore wind, and more in this week’s edition of The Fight.
Local renewables restrictions are on the rise in the Hawkeye State – and it might have something to do with carbon pipelines.
Iowa’s known as a renewables growth area, producing more wind energy than any other state and offering ample acreage for utility-scale solar development. This has happened despite the fact that Iowa, like Ohio, is home to many large agricultural facilities – a trait that has often fomented conflict over specific projects. Iowa has defied this logic in part because the state was very early to renewables, enacting a state portfolio standard in 1983, signed into law by a Republican governor.
But something else is now on the rise: Counties are passing anti-renewables moratoria and ordinances restricting solar and wind energy development. We analyzed Heatmap Pro data on local laws and found a rise in local restrictions starting in 2021, leading to nearly 20 of the state’s 99 counties – about one fifth – having some form of restrictive ordinance on solar, wind or battery storage.
What is sparking this hostility? Some of it might be counties following the partisan trend, as renewable energy has struggled in hyper-conservative spots in the U.S. But it may also have to do with an outsized focus on land use rights and energy development that emerged from the conflict over carbon pipelines, which has intensified opposition to any usage of eminent domain for energy development.
The central node of this tension is the Summit Carbon Solutions CO2 pipeline. As we explained in a previous edition of The Fight, the carbon transportation network would cross five states, and has galvanized rural opposition against it. Last November, I predicted the Summit pipeline would have an easier time under Trump because of his circle’s support for oil and gas, as well as the placement of former North Dakota Governor Doug Burgum as interior secretary, as Burgum was a major Summit supporter.
Admittedly, this prediction has turned out to be incorrect – but it had nothing to do with Trump. Instead, Summit is now stalled because grassroots opposition to the pipeline quickly mobilized to pressure regulators in states the pipeline is proposed to traverse. They’re aiming to deny the company permits and lobbying state legislatures to pass bills banning the use of eminent domain for carbon pipelines. One of those states is South Dakota, where the governor last month signed an eminent domain ban for CO2 pipelines. On Thursday, South Dakota regulators denied key permits for the pipeline for the third time in a row.
Another place where the Summit opposition is working furiously: Iowa, where opposition to the CO2 pipeline network is so intense that it became an issue in the 2020 presidential primary. Regulators in the state have been more willing to greenlight permits for the project, but grassroots activists have pressured many counties into some form of opposition.
The same counties with CO2 pipeline moratoria have enacted bans or land use restrictions on developing various forms of renewables, too. Like Kossuth County, which passed a resolution decrying the use of eminent domain to construct the Summit pipeline – and then three months later enacted a moratorium on utility-scale solar.
I asked Jessica Manzour, a conservation program associate with Sierra Club fighting the Summit pipeline, about this phenomenon earlier this week. She told me that some counties are opposing CO2 pipelines and then suddenly tacking on or pivoting to renewables next. In other cases, counties with a burgeoning opposition to renewables take up the pipeline cause, too. In either case, this general frustration with energy companies developing large plots of land is kicking up dust in places that previously may have had a much lower opposition risk.
“We painted a roadmap with this Summit fight,” said Jess Manzour, a campaigner with Sierra Club involved in organizing opposition to the pipeline at the grassroots level, who said zealous anti-renewables activists and officials are in some cases lumping these items together under a broad umbrella. ”I don’t know if it’s the people pushing for these ordinances, rather than people taking advantage of the situation.”