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Holding the big climate conference in Dubai was always absurd.
The biggest annual event in climate diplomacy is the Conference of the Parties. This year is the 28th conference — hence COP28. As I’ll explain below, such a conference is vital for many reasons. Heatmap’s own Robinson Meyer is reporting there on the ground.
But that importance makes it all the more deranged that this year’s conference is being held in the United Arab Emirates. The president of the conference, Sultan al-Jaber, is literally the head of the U.A.E.’s state-owned oil company. As The Guardianreported, at an online event in November, he said: “There is no science out there, or no scenario out there, that says that the phase-out of fossil fuel is what’s going to achieve 1.5 C,” referring to the target of keeping warming under that figure. At the conference itself, Al Gore presented data showing that the U.A.E.’s emissions had increased by 7.5 percent in 2022, as compared to just 1.5 percent across the world. Leaked notes demonstrate the U.A.E. intended to use the conference to strike some oil and gas sales deals with foreign governments. Advocacy groups have counted more than 2,400 fossil fuel lobbyists at COP28 as well.
It’s madness.
The idea behind COP, which has evolved into a rough system of global climate diplomacy, is simple and rational. As Brad Plumer writes, governments and scientists had previously tried to set up formal, binding treaties that would set firm caps for greenhouse gas emissions and penalize those who exceeded them. After all, this was the structure of the Montreal Protocol, which successfully phased out the use of ozone-destroying refrigerants. Hence the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 was based on that triumph.
Alas, Kyoto was a massive flop. Probably the biggest problem was that America did not sign onto the treaty, in part because our Constitution requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate to ratify one, and so just 34 senators (representing as little as 7 percent of the U.S. population) can block the process. But hardly anyone else was keen on reducing their emissions either. On the contrary, several developing countries, above all China, deliberately went for crash industrialization based on fossil fuel energy, and global emissions skyrocketed.
A binding treaty worked for a relatively small chemical sector where substitutes were readily available. But when it came to energy — one of the foundations of any advanced economy — where substitutes at the time were unavailable or expensive, it was a different story.
So in COP21 in Paris in 2015, diplomats came up with a new approach. Thanks to the plummeting cost of renewable energy on one hand, and the ever-more obvious risks and damages created by climate change on the other, simple self-interest would suffice to motivate countries. Everyone would have to set out commitments to cut emissions — the famous “Paris Agreement” was to keep warming under 1.5 Celsius — but there would be no penalties. The annual conference would serve as a “global stocktake” where records can be compared, information exchanged, and violators named and shamed.
This has worked a lot better. Now, hardly any country is taking action sufficient to keep emissions under 1.5 degrees. According to the Climate Action Tracker, a few countries like Norway, Costa Rica, Nigeria, and Nigeria are “almost sufficient,” while most of Europe and the U.S. are “insufficient.” (Canada, India, and China are “highly insufficient.”) Still, overall since 2015 global emissions have roughly stalled rather than skyrocketing, and in particularly responsible countries like Denmark they have fallen dramatically. Even in America emissions have fallen quite substantially. With ongoing crash investment into renewables in Europe, the U.S., and especially China, net global emissions reductions are coming soon.
But the worst offenders, rated as “critically insufficient,” are petrostates like Russia, Saudi Arabia, and — wouldn’t you know it — the U.A.E. And this exposes the big hole in the COP approach. Self-interest is a good climate motivation for Europe, China, and the U.S., because while their economies currently depend on fossil fuel energy, they also have a lot more going for them. Just electrify transportation, industry, and agriculture with zero-carbon power, and (a few carbon-producing regions aside) they will remain much as before — indeed, probably wealthier and healthier.
But that is not true of the petrostates. The Gulf monarchies in particular could not possibly exist without their massive fossil fuel profits. These absurd political dinosaurs have been out of date for decades, kept alive by an ocean of essentially free money to spread around to their populations. Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E. have attempted some modernization and reforms, to be fair, but these are much more in the category of “megalomaniac dictator mega-projects” rather than any serious effort to develop a new economy. If history is any guide, actually doing that would require a political revolution.
It’s unclear why the U.A.E. was selected as this year’s host. The conference rotates between various United Nations sub-groups, and back in 2021 it got unified support from the Asia-Pacific group of countries. (If I had to guess, I would expect the process was similar to how these countries get sports teams.)
Luckily, there is every sign that the world is going to wean itself off oil and gas eventually, if for no other reason than renewable energy is beating fossil power in the market, and will only continue to get cheaper. But in the meantime, it is just appalling to have the world’s most important climate conference — at which the future of humanity itself is being ironed out — held in a petrostate dictatorship. These countries, along with the big oil companies and their battalions of lobbyists, will cause untold devastation in their attempt to wring out every last dollar from their carbon reserves.
Holding the world's premier climate conference in Dubai was always an absurd idea.
Read more about COP28:
The Global Stocktake Draft Has Something to Make Everyone Mad
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The Loan Programs Office is good for more than just nuclear funding.
That China has a whip hand over the rare earths mining and refining industry is one of the few things Washington can agree on.
That’s why Alex Jacquez, who worked on industrial policy for Joe Biden’s National Economic Council, found it “astounding”when he read in the Washington Post this week that the White House was trying to figure out on the fly what to do about China restricting exports of rare earth metals in response to President Trump’s massive tariffs on the country’s imports.
Rare earth metals have a wide variety of applications, including for magnets in medical technology, defense, and energy productssuch as wind turbines and electric motors.
Jacquez told me there has been “years of work, including by the first Trump administration, that has pointed to this exact case as the worst-case scenario that could happen in an escalation with China.” It stands to reason, then, that experienced policymakers in the Trump administration might have been mindful of forestalling this when developing their tariff plan. But apparently not.
“The lines of attack here are numerous,” Jacquez said. “The fact that the National Economic Council and others are apparently just thinking about this for the first time is pretty shocking.”
And that’s not the only thing the Trump administration is doing that could hamper American access to rare earths and critical minerals.
Though China still effectively controls the global pipeline for most critical minerals (a broader category that includes rare earths as well as more commonly known metals and minerals such as lithium and cobalt), the U.S. has been at work for at least the past five years developing its own domestic supply chain. Much of that work has fallen to the Department of Energy, whose Loan Programs Office has funded mining and processing facilities, and whose Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains hasfunded and overseen demonstration projects for rare earths and critical minerals mining and refining.
The LPO is in line for dramatic cuts, as Heatmap has reported. So, too, are other departments working on rare earths, including the Office of Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains. In its zeal to slash the federal government, the Trump administration may have to start from scratch in its efforts to build up a rare earths supply chain.
The Department of Energy did not reply to a request for comment.
This vulnerability to China has been well known in Washington for years, including by the first Trump administration.
“Our dependence on one country, the People's Republic of China (China), for multiple critical minerals is particularly concerning,” then-President Trump said in a 2020 executive order declaring a “national emergency” to deal with “our Nation's undue reliance on critical minerals.” At around the same time, the Loan Programs Office issued guidance “stating a preference for projects related to critical mineral” for applicants for the office’s funding, noting that “80 percent of its rare earth elements directly from China.” Using the Defense Production Act, the Trump administration also issued a grant to the company operating America's sole rare earth mine, MP Materials, to help fund a processing facility at the site of its California mine.
The Biden administration’s work on rare earths and critical minerals was almost entirely consistent with its predecessor’s, just at a greater scale and more focused on energy. About a month after taking office, President Bidenissued an executive order calling for, among other things, a Defense Department report “identifying risks in the supply chain for critical minerals and other identified strategic materials, including rare earth elements.”
Then as part of the Inflation Reduction Act in 2022, the Biden administration increased funding for LPO, which supported a number of critical minerals projects. It also funneled more money into MP Materials — including a $35 million contract from the Department of Defense in 2022 for the California project. In 2024, it awarded the company a competitive tax credit worth $58.5 million to help finance construction of its neodymium-iron-boron magnet factory in Texas. That facilitybegan commercial operation earlier this year.
The finished magnets will be bought by General Motors for its electric vehicles. But even operating at full capacity, it won’t be able to do much to replace China’s production. The MP Metals facility is projected to produce 1,000 tons of the magnets per year.China produced 138,000 tons of NdFeB magnets in 2018.
The Trump administration is not averse to direct financial support for mining and minerals projects, but they seem to want to do it a different way. Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum has proposed using a sovereign wealth fund to invest in critical mineral mines. There is one big problem with that plan, however: the U.S. doesn’t have one (for the moment, at least).
“LPO can invest in mining projects now,” Jacquez told me. “Cutting 60% of their staff and the experts who work on this is not going to give certainty to the business community if they’re looking to invest in a mine that needs some government backstop.”
And while the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act remains very much in doubt, the subsidies it provided for electric vehicles, solar, and wind, along with domestic content requirements have been a major source of demand for critical minerals mining and refining projects in the United States.
“It’s not something we’re going to solve overnight,” Jacquez said. “But in the midst of a maximalist trade with China, it is something we will have to deal with on an overnight basis, unless and until there’s some kind of de-escalation or agreement.”
A conversation with VDE Americas CEO Brian Grenko.
This week’s Q&A is about hail. Last week, we explained how and why hail storm damage in Texas may have helped galvanize opposition to renewable energy there. So I decided to reach out to Brian Grenko, CEO of renewables engineering advisory firm VDE Americas, to talk about how developers can make sure their projects are not only resistant to hail but also prevent that sort of pushback.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
Hiya Brian. So why’d you get into the hail issue?
Obviously solar panels are made with glass that can allow the sunlight to come through. People have to remember that when you install a project, you’re financing it for 35 to 40 years. While the odds of you getting significant hail in California or Arizona are low, it happens a lot throughout the country. And if you think about some of these large projects, they may be in the middle of nowhere, but they are taking hundreds if not thousands of acres of land in some cases. So the chances of them encountering large hail over that lifespan is pretty significant.
We partnered with one of the country’s foremost experts on hail and developed a really interesting technology that can digest radar data and tell folks if they’re developing a project what the [likelihood] will be if there’s significant hail.
Solar panels can withstand one-inch hail – a golfball size – but once you get over two inches, that’s when hail starts breaking solar panels. So it’s important to understand, first and foremost, if you’re developing a project, you need to know the frequency of those events. Once you know that, you need to start thinking about how to design a system to mitigate that risk.
The government agencies that look over land use, how do they handle this particular issue? Are there regulations in place to deal with hail risk?
The regulatory aspects still to consider are about land use. There are authorities with jurisdiction at the federal, state, and local level. Usually, it starts with the local level and with a use permit – a conditional use permit. The developer goes in front of the township or the city or the county, whoever has jurisdiction of wherever the property is going to go. That’s where it gets political.
To answer your question about hail, I don’t know if any of the [authority having jurisdictions] really care about hail. There are folks out there that don’t like solar because it’s an eyesore. I respect that – I don’t agree with that, per se, but I understand and appreciate it. There’s folks with an agenda that just don’t want solar.
So okay, how can developers approach hail risk in a way that makes communities more comfortable?
The bad news is that solar panels use a lot of glass. They take up a lot of land. If you have hail dropping from the sky, that’s a risk.
The good news is that you can design a system to be resilient to that. Even in places like Texas, where you get large hail, preparing can mean the difference between a project that is destroyed and a project that isn’t. We did a case study about a project in the East Texas area called Fighting Jays that had catastrophic damage. We’re very familiar with the area, we work with a lot of clients, and we found three other projects within a five-mile radius that all had minimal damage. That simple decision [to be ready for when storms hit] can make the complete difference.
And more of the week’s big fights around renewable energy.
1. Long Island, New York – We saw the face of the resistance to the war on renewable energy in the Big Apple this week, as protestors rallied in support of offshore wind for a change.
2. Elsewhere on Long Island – The city of Glen Cove is on the verge of being the next New York City-area community with a battery storage ban, discussing this week whether to ban BESS for at least one year amid fire fears.
3. Garrett County, Maryland – Fight readers tell me they’d like to hear a piece of good news for once, so here’s this: A 300-megawatt solar project proposed by REV Solar in rural Maryland appears to be moving forward without a hitch.
4. Stark County, Ohio – The Ohio Public Siting Board rejected Samsung C&T’s Stark Solar project, citing “consistent opposition to the project from each of the local government entities and their impacted constituents.”
5. Ingham County, Michigan – GOP lawmakers in the Michigan State Capitol are advancing legislation to undo the state’s permitting primacy law, which allows developers to evade municipalities that deny projects on unreasonable grounds. It’s unlikely the legislation will become law.
6. Churchill County, Nevada – Commissioners have upheld the special use permit for the Redwood Materials battery storage project we told you about last week.