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Administrator Lee Zeldin announced the cancellations weeks ago, but the agency has refused to provide details.

New documents obtained by Senate Democrats on the Environmental and Public Works Committee this week shed more light on the inner workings of EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin’s attempt to shut down hundreds of climate- and environmental justice-related grants.
Senators Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island and Lisa Blunt Rochester of Delaware secured a list of 477 grants the EPA has “targeted for termination,” along with damning internal emails from the agency that showed its management knew that many of its terminations to date violated contracts with grantees.
Democrats on the committee sent a letter to Zeldin on Tuesday alleging that EPA was breaking the law and demanding that it rescind any grant termination notices it has sent out.
The list of grants appears to align with a press release the EPA published on March 10 stating that Zeldin had canceled more than 400 grants worth more than $1.7 billion in his fourth round of spending cuts. This was in addition to the $20 billion “green bank” program Zeldin has been attempting to cut. EPA did not say which grants it was canceling or why in any of these rounds of cuts, but last week, the Sierra Club obtained a partial list of what appeared to be the first three rounds through a Freedom of Information Act request.
While nearly half of the grants on the Sierra Club’s list were for research into low-carbon construction materials like steel and cement, all of the funds on the new list were awarded to nonprofits, Tribes, cities, states, and universities for projects in disadvantaged communities.
Many of the grants are from three Inflation Reduction Act programs: the Collaborative Problem-Solving Cooperative Agreement Program, which funds nonprofit efforts to create new partnerships with companies, local governments, or medical service providers to address environmental or public health issues; the Community Change Grant Program, which supports activities that reduce pollution and increase climate resilience; and the Government-to-Government Program, which subsidizes state and local government pilot projects and other activities that improve the environment and public health.
They include awards of between $20,000 and $20 million for community gardens, solar projects, air quality monitoring, energy efficiency upgrades, wildfire preparedness, clean water initiatives, protection during heatwaves, rural economic development, and job training, among many others.
Just over 130 of the grants are reported as being “financially closed,” or having a $0.00 remaining balance, meaning the EPA’s claim that it canceled more than 400 grants may have been inflated.
There is also overlap with the list the EPA provided to the Sierra Club. Heatmap identified 18 grants that appear on both. For these 18 grants, the Sierra Club list shows that they were canceled on the 21st or 22nd of February. The list obtained by the senators shows that they were “awarded” on those dates, but labels them “financially closed” or having a $0.00 remaining balance.
In their letter to Zeldin, Senate Democrats asserted Congress’ power over the federal purse, noting that the law specifically “directed the EPA to distribute $3 billion to improve environmental protection in communities facing economic hardship.” An internal email from the EPA’s general counsel notes that some of the grants were terminated on the basis that they funded DEI or environmental justice initiatives that “conflict with the Agency’s policy of prioritizing merit, fairness, and excellence in performing our statutory functions.” The senators’ letter argues quite the opposite — that these grants were meant to ensure a healthy environment for all Americans.
Secondly, they write that “any attempt to withhold these funds violates the Impoundment Control Act.” That’s a reference to a 1974 law that prohibits the executive branch from holding back congressionally appropriated funds without permission from Congress. The letter also admonishes Zeldin for violating federal court injunctions on President Trump’s funding freeze.
Lastly, the senators accuse the agency of knowingly violating the terms of its own contracts, citing an internal email from EPA’s Office of General Counsel which admits as much. The email acknowledges that many of the cancellation letters sent to grantees cited grounds for termination that were not valid under the grant contracts. At this, the Office of General Counsel essentially shrugs, noting that “no decision to retract the terminations is forthcoming,” and that grantees can dispute the decision or sue the agency if they want to.
The letter includes a series of 12 questions for the EPA, including requests for every termination letter sent to grantees and an explanation of what the agency plans to do with “the alleged $2 billion in federal funds ‘saved’ by EPA and DOGE grant terminations.”
In a statement to the Associated Press, the EPA confirmed that it received the letter, but that it has no plans to stop canceling grants. “As the Trump administration reins in wasteful spending of taxpayer dollars, EPA will continue terminating assistance agreements in line with terms and conditions,” the statement said.
Here is the full list of canceled grants released by the senators, published for the first time in a searchable, sortable format:
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The data center boom is everywhere you look in U.S. economic and emissions data.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
It isn’t exactly a new thought, but I’ve been struck recently by how many trends in America’s economic and environmental data are fundamentally about the data center boom and the return of electricity demand:
First, the Energy Information Administration reported this week that U.S. emissions grew by more than 2% last year, driven by surging electricity demand and an increase in coal-fired generation.What caused that higher power demand? New factories and data centers — as well as record summertime cooling demand.
Second, many of the new factories driving that higher power demand are themselves producing goods that are … let’s say … data center-adjacent. There are the enormous new semiconductor fabs, of course. But Ford and General Motors have also set up new production lines (or repurposed old ones) to manufacture grid-scale batteries to meet power demand.
Third, take a look at the recent U.S. spending on private non-residential construction — in other words, everything American companies are building that is not houses, condos, or apartments.
The construction industry’s spent almost $60 billion on data centers over the past year, which is more than it spent on all other office buildings combined (and more than it spent building warehouses, too). Just a handful of categories — data centers, power plants, electricity infrastructure, and certain kinds of electronics manufacturing — now make up a third of all U.S. private non-residential construction investment. They’ve never made up such a large share of construction spending since data collection began in 2014.
As The New York Times recently noted, the American economy is unusually dependent on the American stock market right now — and the stock market is unusually dependent on artificial intelligence. This week, investors started to balk at the enormous spending hyperscalers are planning to keep building out the AI boom; Alphabet’s shares dropped 8% this week after it boosted its planned 2026 capital expenditure and signaled 2027 will be even bigger. If the data center boom started to slow down in earnest, then more than just that budget will change.
Speaking of which, my colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote earlier this week about how many businesses are struggling to even estimate their carbon emissions from artificial intelligence. The carbon accounting startup Watershed recently unveiled a new formula to help companies get a sense of their AI-related emissions.
But even that formula is still limited by the amount of data hyperscalers publish — and they don’t publish that much. Google, for instance, is the only AI company that has (laudably) provided estimates of its emissions on a per-prompt basis. Yet no company has published its per-token emissions, or how emissions sync up with particular models or regions.
So Emily asked Google: Why aren’t you — or any other model provider — disclosing this kind of data yet?
The tech company didn’t get back to us until after we’d published Emily’s story. But its response was interesting enough that I wanted to quote some of it here.
The problem is “industry consensus,” Cooper Elsworth, a Google spokesperson, told us. “There is currently very little consensus on how to comprehensively and fairly measure the serving environmental impact of generative AI (such as text generation),” he wrote. “Without standardized, ‘apples-to-apples’ frameworks, it is difficult to compare different providers accurately.”
That’s partly because energy use — and emissions data — can vary from site to site and depend on “custom-built hardware, software compilers, and advanced inference techniques.” And he claimed Google doesn’t always have the measurement hardware in place to provide such specific estimates: “Providing precise, repeatable data requires highly advanced measurement infrastructure,” he said. “For example, software-based energy monitoring tools often suffer from sampling biases. For our study, we had to step away from top-down averages and directly measure actual energy at the physical power supply unit (PSU) level across our deployed fleet. Not all providers have the telemetry or data sets required to benchmark their operations at this level of granularity.”
Read Emily’s story to understand the other reasons why estimating — or even “guesstimating” — AI-related carbon emissions is so challenging.
A conversation with Emma Uridge of the Kansas Health Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Emma Uridge, analyst with the Kansas Health Institute. Uridge spent copious hours analyzing state and local laws on data center development to best understand how policymakers are responding to the potential environmental public health impacts of large AI infrastructure, including power and water. The report, which came out this week, also goes in depth into those health impacts. I reached out to her to discuss what she sees as must-watch territory for our readers on this emerging policy arena.
Our conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
What is actually being done on policy when it comes to data centers — beyond moratoria of course?
So first I’d like to just talk about the point of moratoria. It’s helpful to talk about how these policies emerge in the first place. One area where moratoria are helpful is when a data center is proposed but the county has no approach for how they’d like to potentially regulate them. That’s temporary, most of the time. It lets local governments conduct research on the various impacts and also negotiate community benefits, ones that can mitigate any potential negative impacts — like Lancaster Pennsylvania, which instituted a community benefit agreement that maximized the potential benefits of development while mitigating what large data centers can do. That agreement looked at capping municipal water use at 20,000 gallons per day and requiring 100% clean energy. It had financial penalties for non-compliance. The company also committed $20 million to their local economic development and clean energy fund. There are ways to negotiate with developers.
We also see amendments to existing zoning. Data center proposals are increasingly popping up in rural areas, many of which are unzoned, so there’s no way a county can negotiate unless there’s a moratorium in place.
Other policy solutions include different performance standards or requiring on-site renewable energy, like what Jefferson County, Missouri, looked at. Also setback requirements, mandatory noise buffers, ending by-right zoning.
Where are local governments getting ideas for regulating data centers?
A lot of the technical information comes from developers. That can in cases be seen as a biased source of information. I wouldn’t say there’s a dedicated group providing assistance to local governments when a project is proposed — which is a similar story to wind industry development, where we have only a handful of consultants who provide technical advice. It can be really helpful to get a multi-disciplinary approach to hearing information. It can be helpful to have the utility commission, public health folks, those in academia, as well as the developer.
As of right now, especially in rural areas, local governments have a hard task of balancing pushback while getting the most accurate, evidence-based, neutral information to make decisions. That balance can be contentious.
What is the federal government doing on data center policy? How is the Trump administration approaching it?
A few things there. In the early days, the drive was for AI expansion and to be competitive with foreign adversaries. Now due to the amount of public pushback in red and blue localities and a more cautious approach.
I’m not seeing a lot of actual policy movement at this time.
I know the EPA is looking at the chemicals used in cooling data centers because when that water is cycled through the system, some of it is discharged into the water system, so they’re looking at the Toxic Substances and Control Act for monitoring that.
How much of an impact does this minimal federal role have on industry behavior?
Y’know, this isn’t specific to data centers. This is true for all kinds of large-scale development: there’s a need to require some sort of federal monitoring and regulation.
That’s where I see an emerging role for public health. At the federal level, there could be policy movement towards requiring some sort of environmental monitoring at data centers to make sure they’re operating responsibility. Looking at specific water use relative to water availability and what happens when there’s a time of severe, persistent drought. With air quality too — we’ve seen areas where the grid isn’t as reliable so their diesel generators are kicking on more and affecting air quality for residents.
We’re just not seeing all of that right now. We need corporate disclosure.
What do you see as the most important public health impacts from data center development?
It varies by localities. The most discussed obviously is water usage. One thing I’d note about my conversations with folks enthusiastic around emerging tech is, there are still questions that need to be asked about the capacity of localities to support a data center. Like a small town in Kansas may only be using 40% of their water for their utility needs. If a data center came online, how much of that water goes to the data center?
One area underexplored within the public health discipline is energy poverty and energy security. The ability of a household to meet the needs of everything energy provides in our lives. It’s known we have an aging electric grid but we’re not talking enough about large-scale blackouts when the grid is not sufficient to support some of these new data centers.
Plus more of the week’s big development fights.
1. Laramie County, Wyoming — Meta is fighting the fine it received in the Cheyenne data center water pollution controversy, and the conflict between the tech giant and the city’s small board of public utilities is continuing to spill out into the public.
2. Niagara County, New York — This county just rejected a solar project’s highway work permits in a show of retaliation against the state’s Office of Renewable Energy Siting.
3. Barron County, Wisconsin — The anti-solar protest is the new campaign stop in deep red Wisconsin.
4. Chesapeake, Virginia — A large battery storage project on the Virginia coastline is on the rocks amidst rampant local opposition.
5. Lewis County, West Virginia — West Virginia is now a key battleground in the fight over transmission, as a line spanning all of West Virginia and Maryland — and cutting through Data Center Alley in Virginia — causes compounding consternation.