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The self-described “ecosocialist” ran an ultra-disciplined campaign for New York City mayor. Once he’s in office, the climate issue could become unavoidable.

Zohran Mamdani, the New York state assemblyman, democratic socialist, and Democratic nominee, was elected mayor of New York City on Tuesday night.
Many factors fueled his longshot rise to Gracie Mansion — a congested primary field, a gleam-in-his-eyes approach to new media, and an optimistic left-wing worldview rendered newly credible by global tumult — but perhaps above all was a nonstop, months-long performance of bravura message discipline. Since the Democratic primary began in earnest earlier this year, Mamdani has harped in virtually every public appearance on what he has described as New York’s “affordability crisis,” promising to lower the city’s cost of living for working-class residents.
He hammered that message even as the election required him to play a shifting set of roles. During the primary, he set himself apart from a field overflowing with progressives by showcasing his differences with the Democratic Party. During the general election, he became the consummate Democrat, earning the votes of the party’s most loyal voters even as the former governor and one-time old-guard Democrat Andrew Cuomo ran an independent bid. Fittingly, Mamdani’s victory speech Tuesday night alluded to and remixed lines from socialists and liberal Democrats alike — including Cuomo’s father, New York’s former governor Mario Cuomo.
“A great New Yorker once said that while you campaign in poetry, you govern in prose,” Mamdani said, paraphrasing the elder Cuomo. “If that must be true, let the prose we write still rhyme, and let us build a shining city for all.”
So given all the notes he struck during the campaign, it is revealing to consider those Mamdani left unplayed. One in particular stands out: Throughout the long mayoral campaign, Mamdani rarely spoke about climate change — often doing so only when directly asked.
This might not seem meaningful on its face. Mamdani had a lot of issues he could focus on, after all. (He also spoke intermittently about, say, K-12 education, even though as mayor he will oversee the nation’s largest school district.)
But in light of his biography, Mamdani’s relative reticence on climate change stands out. During his early career in the state legislature, Mamdani defined himself in part through his climate activism, and by his view that New York should be “leading the country in our fight against the climate crisis,” as he said in a 2022 press release. He helmed some of the most aggressive recent activist efforts to shut down, block, and replace fossil fuel infrastructure in Gotham. They provide a window into where his mayoralty could go — and also illustrate the fraught politics of climate change in Year 1 of Trump 2.0.
From his first days in the New York State Assembly in 2021, Mamdani placed himself at the forefront of the debate over the future of fossil fuels in New York’s energy system. “When I ran for this office, it was on a platform of housing, justice, and energy for all,” he said in a statement soon after his election.
Many of his biggest policy proposals as a legislator focused on climate change. He backed the Build Public Renewables Act, a bill that empowers New York’s state power agency to develop wind and solar projects in order to meet the state’s climate goals. He resisted NRG Energy’s push to replace an aging natural gas peaker plant in Astoria, Queens, with a newer power plant that would still burn gas. And he opposed the expansion of natural gas pipelines into the state while cosponsoring the Clean Futures Act, which would, he said, ban all new natural gas power plants across New York.
Climate change was the issue, he said, at the very heart of his political identity. In July 2022, after the state assembly expired without a vote on the Build Public Renewables Act and amid a heat wave in New York, he called for a special session to pass the bill, deeming climate change a “human catastrophe.”
“There are a number of bills that I would love to pass tomorrow. I’m not calling for a special session for all of them,” he told Spectrum News. “The reason we have to call for this one is because climate change is not waiting.”
In its fight against the Queens power plant, his legislative office — working alongside the Stop NRG Coalition, an alliance of local residents, the Democratic Socialists of America, and traditional environmentalists such as Earthjustice and the Sierra Club — called 36,000 households and sent more than 7,800 postcards asking residents to reject the plant, Mamdani later said. Ultimately, locals filed more than 6,000 comments to oppose the proposed plant; when the New York Department of Environmental Conservation ultimately denied a key permit in October 2022, Mamdani claimed victory.
He was also clear about who had lost that fight: big corporations and fossil fuel-aligned capitalism. “This shows when we organize against corporations that put capital over the collective, we can win a world where we all live with dignity,” he said. “Stopping the Astoria power plant is an amazing victory towards a habitable planet and the clean future we all deserve.”
Many of Mamdani’s other climate efforts were ultimately successful. The Build Public Renewables Act passed in April 2023 as part of the state budget and was signed into law by Governor Kathy Hochul. The state has not passed the Clean Futures Act, although regulators have rejected other proposed fossil-fuel power plants across the state, citing its 2019 climate leadership law.
In a little-watched May 2021 video that gives a concentrated dose of Mamdani’s political vision at the time, he described himself not as a socialist, but as a “proud ecosocialist” who believed that electricity should be treated as a “public good.”
“Did you ever wonder why New York state only gets 5% of its energy from wind and solar?” he asked in the video. “It’s because of one word: capitalism.” The way to fight that capitalistic hold on energy production, he said, was with public power — government ownership and development of zero-carbon generation.
Even after those victories, Mamdani remained a proud champion of climate issues. As recently as a year ago, he suggested that activism and agitation around climate change was a key way that progressives could differentiate themselves from Trump in the eyes of the working class. At a rally in late November last year, shortly after a drought resulted in a rare brush fire that consumed 2 acres of the city’s beloved Prospect Park, he exhorted the New York Power Authority, or NYPA, to move faster to develop its pipeline of renewables projects — and framed credible climate action as essential to countering Trump’s rise.
“The climate crisis does not care about any of the reasons that are usually given so much weight in Albany. It doesn’t care if you want to blame the supply chain. It doesn’t care if a private company says it has reduced profitability. It cares only if you build out renewable infrastructure,” he said.
“If you want to know how to defeat the Donald Trump far-right movement, it’s by showing we actually have a workable alternative,” he continued. “Because if working class people can’t breathe the air, if they can’t afford to live in the city they call home because they can’t find a union job, and if they look around at their favorite parks being on fire, why would they trust us?”
“It is time to show them why,” he concluded. “It’s time for the Build Public Renewables Act.”
Mamdani has continued to push for NYPA to accelerate its renewables construction — he posted a video of the same rally to his Instagram feed in September, encouraging his followers to file public comments with New York state.
As recently as February 2025, he described New York City as facing an “existential moment of our climate crisis” at a candidate forum, and said that enforcing the city’s climate laws would require “taking on the real-estate industry.”
But in the months since, his earlier bold rhetoric — casting practical concerns as no object when it comes to climate action — has faded, and he has evinced more sympathy for landlords and homeowners who may bear decarbonization’s costs. He still describes climate change in existential terms, but has become far less likely to bring it up unbidden in his own speeches and media appearances.
As a major party mayoral candidate, too, Mamdani largely avoided framing climate action as a necessary antidote to Trumpism. When seeking to contrast himself with the president, he focused almost entirely on cost of living issues. In a Fox News appearance in October, Mamdani addressed Trump directly and said that he would work with him to address New Yorkers’ cost of living.
His campaign website’s only stated climate proposal is a “Green Schools” plan to renovate 500 public schools, turn 500 asphalt schoolyards into green spaces, and construct “resilience hubs” at 50 schools. Speaking with The Nation in April — in one of his few recent long-form interviews on climate policy — Mamdani set that plan within his broader campaign, saying “climate and quality of life are not two separate concerns. They are, in fact, one and the same.” Schools, he said, offer “an opportunity for comprehensive climate action.”
But his website has few other details about what climate actions he might like to pursue once he takes office as mayor. Indeed, the candidate who once blamed capitalism for New York’s failure to build renewables is now promising to establish a “Mom-and-Pop Czar” to cut fines on small businesses and speed up permitting. It also gives few clues about how Mamdani would handle decarbonization’s inevitable trade-offs. If achieving a faster renewables buildout led to higher energy prices for consumers and small businesses, what would he do?
Even in situations where his slogans could reasonably connect to some climate benefit, Mamdani did not complete the handshake. His website does not mention the pollution benefits of fast and free bus service, for instance, even though free transit in other campaigns has been described as a climate policy. His 25-minute victory speech, delivered to a jubilant crowd on Tuesday night, did not mention climate change at all.
Regardless of what he’s said, Mamdani will be required to take big actions on climate policy as mayor. The most significant will likely arise from an ordinance called Local Law 97, which requires New York City’s large buildings to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. That law’s strict new set of pollution caps and penalties will start in 2029, and many landlords are set to pay big fines. During the second mayoral debate, Mamdani repeated that the “climate crisis is one of the most pressing issues facing this city,” and said he wants the law’s fines to be enforced. But he also added that “the city should make it easier for buildings to comply.”
Mamdani has also argued that the city and state should renew a set of tax breaks to make it cheaper for large residential buildings, like condos and co-ops, to meet the law’s targets, and has proposed creating a “one-stop shop” for Local Law 97 compliance in the city governance, according to his debate remarks and a memo about homeowner policy released by his campaign.
In replacing climate change with cost of living, Mamdani has moved closer to what appears to be an emerging consensus among his party. Recent autopsies of the 2024 election have argued that voters believed Democrats were too focused on issues like climate change and not enough on affordability or inflation. Mamdani’s relentless focus on near-term costs — and his embrace of clear, actionable, and frankly non-climate-related slogans — suggests that one young ecosocialist might now agree with them. His ultimate victory suggests that it wasn’t a bad gamble.
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We knew the revived Chevrolet Bolt might have a limited run. Nobody knew it would be this limited.
General Motors began manufacturing the updated version of its small electric car late last year to begin deliveries this month. Already the news of its potential demise is here. GM says the Kansas factory that’s churning out Bolts will be repurposed to make combustion cars, including a Buick, of all things. Now, just as the arrival of the sub-$30,000 Bolt heralded a new age of more affordable electric cars, Chevy is dropping out of the race and putting its beloved little electric car on the backburner. Again.
The culprits in this case are clear. With the federal tax credit for buying EVs dead and gone, and with weakened emissions rules removing the incentive for car companies to pursue an aggressive electrification strategy, automakers are running back to the familiar embrace of fossil fuels. GM has already said it expects to lose billions as it adjusts its business strategy, curbing its EV push to meet the new reality under President Trump, where gas-burning cars remain much more profitable to build and sell.
The Bolt’s fate is the immediate fallout from that move. The Buick Envision, part of America’s army of indistinguishable gas-powered crossovers, had been built at a GM plant in China. Trump’s tariffs, however, incentivized the company to move production back to the U.S. The fact that GM repatriated the Envision at the expense of the Bolt tells you what you need to know about this moment in the U.S. auto market.
GM never promised that the Bolt would be back for good, and its return to limbo is par for the course when it comes to this plucky little car. The original Bolt EV had its problems, including a battery recall and glacial charging speeds by today’s standards. But the Bolt established GM’s place in the new EV age and found a flock of fans. At the time it was discontinued in 2023, it was the top-selling non-Tesla EV in America, selling more than 60,000 cars that year.
Fans clamored to get the car back. GM listened, and built a new version on the Ultium platform that forms the basis of its current generation of EVs. When I attended Chevy’s big reveal party for the new Bolt last year, it handed out merch reading “back by popular demand.” Yet GM always referred to the vehicle’s revival as a special run, as if not to get anyone’s hopes up that the Bolt would become a mainstay in the Chevy lineup.
Things could have been different, of course. GM has hinted at the possibility of expanding upon the Bolt with more models if the car succeeded in helping the company win the affordable EV race. Instead, the Kansas factory will turn back to combustion next year as Chevy builds some gas-powered Equinox SUVs there, moving production from Mexico after getting hammered by new tariffs. The Buick Envision, which GM has been making in China for nearly a decade, will begin Kansas production in 2028.
The Bolt’s second sudden death is a big blow to American EV lovers. Without a $7,500 tax break for buying an electric vehicle, Americans badly need more affordable options. Bolt, which starts around $29,000 in its most basic form, was set to lead a pack that would include other 2026 arrivals such as the customizable, Jeff Bezos-backed Slate truck and the reimagined third-generation Nissan Leaf. Now, you’d better act fast if you want to get behind the wheel of a Bolt.
Practically every week brings a flood of climate tech funding news and announcements — startups raising a new round, a venture capital firm closing a fresh fund, and big projects hitting (and missing) milestones. Going forward, I’ll close out each week with a roundup of some of the biggest stories that I didn’t get a chance to cover in full.
This week, we’ve got money for electric ships, next-gen geothermal, and residential electrification in Europe. Yay!
Many say battery-powered cargo ships will never make sense — that batteries are too heavy, too bulky, and would take up too much valuable space. FleetZero says it can make it work. Last Friday, the electric shipping startup raised a $43 million Series A round led by Obvious Ventures, with participation from other firms including Maersk Growth, the shipping giant’s corporate venture arm, and Breakthrough Energy Ventures. The funding will support production of the company’s hybrid and electric propulsion systems, as well as new manufacturing and R&D operations in Houston.
Ships’ bunker fuel is extremely polluting. It accounts for roughly 3% of global CO2 emissions and dirties the air with other pollutants such as sulfur and nitrogen oxides. Most players in the shipping decarbonization space want to shift to liquid fuels such as e-ammonia or e-methanol — a move that would require mulit-million-dollar engine overhauls and retrofits. FleetZero says that battery electrification will prove to be cheaper and simpler. The company is building batteries large enough to hybridize — and potentially one day fully electrify — large container ships.
As FleetZero’s CEO and co-founder Steven Henderson told my colleague Robinson Meyer on a 2024 episode of Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast, batteries are a relatively simple maritime decarbonization solution because “you can use existing infrastructure and build on it. You don’t need a new fundamental technology to do this.” And while the company has yet to provide any cost estimates for electrifying commercial shipping, as Henderson put it, “the numbers to do this are not outside the realm of possibility.”
The next-generation geothermal startup Sage Geosystems announced on Wednesday that it raised a $97 million Series B round, co-led by the renewable energy company Ormat Technologies and the growth equity firm Carbon Direct Capital. This came atop a hot week for geothermal overall. As I wrote already, the artificial intelligence-powered geothermal developer Zanskar announced a $115 million Series C round for its pursuit of AI-driven conventional geothermal, while Axios reported that the geothermal unicorn Fervo Energy has filed for an IPO.
Like Fervo, Sage uses drilling technology adapted from the oil and gas industry to create its own artificial reservoirs in hot, dry rock. The startup then pumps these fractures full of water, where it absorbs heat from the surrounding rocks before being brought to the surface as steam that’s used to generate electricity. Sage’s CEO, Cindy Taff — a former Shell executive — told Bloomberg that this latest investment will accelerate the company’s project timeline by a full year or two, allowing the company to put power on Nevada’s grid sometime in 2027.
This latest funding follows Sage’s strategic partnership with Ormat, announced last year, and could help the startup make good on its agreement with Meta to deliver up to 150 megawatts of clean electricity for the tech giant’s data centers starting in 2027.
Berlin-based startup Cloover — which helps Europeans finance home electrification upgrades — announced a $22 million Series A round on Wednesday, alongside a $1.2 billion debt facility from an unnamed “leading European bank” that it can draw on. The company, which describes itself as both the “operating system for energy independence” and the “Shopify of Energy,” aims to help homeowners ditch fossil fuels by facilitating loans to cover the upfront cost of, say, buying and installing heat pumps, rooftop solar, or home batteries — something traditional banks struggle to finance.
Cloover’s a fintech platform allows home energy installers to manage complex projects while offering loans for green upgrades to customers at the point of sale. The software’s AI-driven credit underwriting evaluates not just a customer’s credit score, but also the projected energy savings and performance of the upgrade itself, helping align the price and terms of borrowing with the anticipated economic value of the asset.
Forbes reports that Cloover has already financed roughly 2,500 home energy installations. The company says it’s profitable, generating nearly $100 million in sales last year. With this new funding, the startup plans to expand across Europe and is projecting $500 million in sales this year, anticipating an explosion in demand for distributed energy resources.
One of the oldest players in the race to commercialize fusion energy, General Fusion, has been candid about its recent funding struggles, laying off 25% of its staff last spring while publicly pleading for more cash. This Thursday, it announced a lifeline: a SPAC merger that will provide the company with up to $335 million, if all goes according to plan. Read more about the deal in our Heatmap AM newsletter.
Current conditions: The monster snow storm headed eastward could dump more than a foot of snow on New York City this weekend • An extreme heat wave in Australia is driving temperatures past 104 degrees Fahrenheit • In northwest India, Jammu and Kashmir are bracing for up to 8 inches of snow.
Last month, Fervo Energy raised another $462 million in a Series E round to finance construction of the next-generation geothermal startup’s first major power plant. Pretty soon, retail investors will be able to get in on the hype. On Thursday, Axios reported that the company had filed confidential papers with the Securities and Exchange Commission in preparation for an initial public offering. Fervo’s IPO will be a milestone for the geothermal industry. For years, the business of tapping the Earth’s molten heat for energy has remained relatively small, geographically isolated, and dominated by incumbent players such as Ormat Technologies. But Fervo set off a startup boom when it demonstrated that it could use fracking technology to access hot rocks in places that don’t have the underground reservoirs that conventional geothermal companies rely upon. In yesterday’s newsletter, I told you about how Zanskar, a startup using artificial intelligence to find more conventional resources, and Sage Geosystems, a rival next-generation company to Fervo, had raised a combined $212 million. But as my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote in December when Fervo raised its most recent financing round, it’s not yet clear whether the company’s “enhanced” geothermal approach is price competitive. With how quickly things are progressing, we will soon find out.
Fervo isn’t the only big IPO news. General Fusion, the Canadian fusion energy startup TechCrunch describes as “struggling,” announced plans for a $1 billion reverse merger deal to go public on the Nasdaq. The move comes almost exactly a month after President Donald Trump’s social media company, the parent firm of Truth Social, inked a deal to merge with the fusion startup TAE Technologies and create the first publicly-traded fusion company in the U.S. Analysts I spoke to about the deal called it “flabberghasting,” and warned that TAE’s technology represented a more complex and dubious approach to commercializing fusion than that taken by rival companies such as Commonwealth Fusion Systems. Still, the IPO deals highlight the growing excitement over progress on generating power from a technology long mocked as the energy source of tomorrow that always will be. As Heatmap’s Katie Brigham artfully put it in 2024, “it is finally, possibly, almost time for fusion.”
General Motors plans to move manufacturing of the next generation of its Buick Envision SUV from China to the U.S. in two years and end production of the all-electric Chevrolet Bolt. The Detroit auto giant makes just one of its four SUV models in the U.S., leaving the cars vulnerable to Trump’s tariffs. The worst hit was the Envision, which is currently built in China. Starting in 2028, the latest version of the Envision will be produced in Kansas, taking over the assembly line that is currently churning out the Bolt.
It's a blow to GM's electric vehicle line. Chevy just brought back the Bolt in response to high demand after initially canceling production in 2023, because as Andrew Moseman put it in Heatmap, it's “the cheap EV we've needed all along.” While Chevy had always framed the return as a limited run, it was not previously clear how limited that would be.
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The Department of Energy said Thursday its newly rebranded Office of Energy Dominance Finance, formerly the Loan Programs Office, is “restructuring, revising, or eliminating more than $83 billion in Green New Scam loans and conditional commitments.” The move comes after “an exhaustive first-year review” of the $104 billion in principal loan obligations the Biden administration shelled out, including $85 billion the Trump administration accused of being “rushed out the door in the final months after Election Day.” In a statement, Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said the changes are meant to “ensure the responsible investment of taxpayer dollars.” While it’s not yet clear which projects are affected, the agency said the EDF eliminated about $9.5 billion in support for wind and solar projects and redirected that funding to natural gas and nuclear energy. But as Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo noted last night, the Energy Department hasn’t yet said which loans are set to be canceled as part of the latest cuts. The announcement may include loans that have already been canceled or restructured.
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If you know anything about surging electricity demand, you’re likely to finger a single culprit: data centers. But worldwide, air conditioning dwarfs data centers as a demand driver. And in California, electric vehicles are on pace to edge out data centers as a bigger driver of peak demand on the grid. That’s according to a new report from the California Energy Commission. Just look at this chart:

As the Golden State tries to get a grip on its electricity system, Representative Ro Khanna, the progressive Silicon Valley congressman often discussed as a potential 2028 presidential candidate, has doubled down on his calls to break up the state’s largest utility. On Thursday, Khanna posted on X that PG&E “should be broken up and owned by customers, not shareholders. They are ripping off Californians by buying off politicians in Sacramento.” The Democrat has been calling for PG&E’s demise since at least 2019, when the utility was on the hook for billions of dollars in damages from a wildfire sparked by its equipment. But the idea hasn’t exactly caught on.
New energy technologies such as batteries, solar panels, and wind turbines are driving demand for minerals and spurring a controversial push for new mines on virgin lands. But a new study by researchers at the University of Queensland’s Sustainable Minerals Institute found that a production boom is already underway at existing mines. The peer-reviewed paper, which is the first comprehensive global analysis of brownfield mining expansion, found that existing mines are growing in size and scale. Just because the mines are already there doesn’t mean the new production doesn’t come with some social cost. Nearly 78% of the 366 mines analyzed in the study “are located in areas facing multiple high-risk socioeconomic conditions, including weak governance, poor corruption control, and limited press freedom,” the study found.
The Department of the Interior has a new coal mascot. On Thursday, the agency posted an animated picture of a cartoonish, rosy-cheeked, chicken nugget-shaped lump of coal clad in a yellow hardhat and construction gear. His name? Coalie. The idea isn’t original. Australia’s coal-mining trade group rolled out an almost identical mascot a few years ago — same anthropomorphic lump of coal, same yellow attire. The only difference? His name was Hector, and he wore glasses.