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The tiny South American country has become a big deal in oil.

The much-predicted wave of oil consolidation is happening.
The oil giant Chevron announced on Monday it was acquiring rival Hess in a deal worth $53 billion. This comes weeks after ExxonMobil announced a merger with Pioneer Natural Resources in a similarly sized deal. While that tie-up was largely interpreted as ExxonMobil trying to consolidate its position in West Texas’s immensely productive Permian Basin, this latest deal is about Chevron getting in on another prize: the massive offshore oil resources of Guyana.
From 2014 to 2022, the South American nation has seen its gross domestic product grow from just over $4 billion to almost $14 billion. With a population of just over 800,000, the tiny country has been transformed by the 2015 discovery of oil by ExxonMobil off its coast, which turned into actual production by 2019. Today, the area known as the “Stabroek block” is controlled by a consortium of ExxonMobil, Hess, and the Chinese oil company CNOOC, of which Hess is a 30 percent owner. (Hess also has positions in North Dakota, the Gulf of Mexico, and Southeast Asia.)
“The Stabroek block in Guyana is an extraordinary asset with industry leading cash margins and low carbon intensity that is expected to deliver production growth into the next decade,” Hess and Chevron said in their statements today.
Hess in its most recent quarterly earnings said that its production in Guyana had almost doubled, going from 67,000 barrels per day in the second quarter of last year to 110,000 in the second quarter of this year.
Hess estimates that there are 11 billion recoverable barrels in the Stabroek Block. Last year, Rystad Energy wrote that more potentially drillable oil was probably discovered in Guyana than in any other country.
Guyana’s resources are a rare source of newly discovered growth for the oil industry. Western oil companies recently have had to abandon projects in Russia due to sanctions, while heavy investor and political pressure have made European oil companies less interested in, well, oil. Meanwhile in Latin America, Guyana’s neighbor, Venezeula, further nationalized its oil industry in the 2000s, and ExxonMobil was one of the first oil companies to leave the country entirely. But in turning its attention to Guyana, ExxonMobil quickly found huge stores of crude with lower sulfur content than Venezuela’s, which is notoriously expensive to refine and thus less profitable to drill.
So what does this deal mean for climate change and clean energy?
Like other large oil companies, Chevron has a bevy of projects that could fit into a lower-carbon-emissions world, like carbon capture and hydrogen production. Indeed, just last month it spent around half a billion dollars to acquire a stake in a planned hydrogen storage plant in Utah. But while Chevron has said it wants to spend $10 billion on low carbon investments by 2028, that figure is dwarfed by today’s announced deal with Hess alone.
The massive move is an indication that Chevron expects there to be steady oil demand in the years and decades to come, as Hess’s operations are still growing. “Hess brings growth to Chevron — growth in resource, growth in production, growth in cash flow,” chief executive John Hess said on CNBC on Monday morning. “We have the best growth portfolio in the business.”
And yes, toy trucks. "The Hess toy truck will continue," Hess said.
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.