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Kneecapping demand from clean energy is a funny way to boost supply.
The technology that undergirds decarbonization requires a lot of minerals, and those minerals are often found or processed overseas — really often in China. The Biden administration thought this was a problem, so as it subsidized the domestic use and manufacture of solar panels, wind turbines, and battery-electric vehicles and the deployment of green energy, it also tried to nudge the critical mineral industry mining and refining industries to be more American, with subsidies for battery plants and loan guarantees for lithium mines.
The Trump administration halfway agrees with its predecessors: It wants to see an American minerals industry, but it isn’t so much interested in the renewable energy part. During his Day One fusillade of executive orders, the president hammered the wind industry, scrapped the Biden administration’s goals for vehicle electrification, and encouraged faster permitting for nearly every type of energy generation other than wind, solar, and storage.
While new clean energy projects won’t disappear overnight, the growth trajectory of the sector may be imperiled, which in turn means that incremental future demand for critical minerals in the United States has likely diminished. Demand certainty is incredibly important for the mining sector — it takes an estimated 29 years from resource discovery to production in the United States, according to S&P — as exploration is a highly uncertain and expensive process. Because of this, the industry as a whole is already incentivized to undersupply the market, explained Arnab Datta, the managing director of policy implementation at Employ America.
“If there’s uncertainty about demand, it will hold back investment,” Datta told me. “If you under-invest, you get suboptimal profits. If you over-invest, the risk is bankruptcy.”
Many minerals projects the Biden administration greenlit and supported were closely tied to downstream decarbonization goals. The nearly $1 billion loan guarantee for the Ioneer Rhyolite Ridge refining project for lithium mined in Nevada, for instance, would “finance the on-site processing of lithium carbonate that would support production of lithium for more than 370,000 EVs each year,” the Energy Department’s Loan Programs Office said in an announcement on January 17.
In December, the LPO issued a $750 million conditional loan guarantee for a synthetic graphite facility in Tennessee that was “expected to produce 31,500 metric tonnes per year of synthetic graphite, which can support the production of lithium-ion batteries for approximately 325,000 EVs each year.”
And America’sfirst graphite processing plant, which supplies Tesla’s battery-making operations from Vidalia, Louisiana, does so with help from a $100 million Department of Energy loan.
The Trump approach to stimulating investment is still evolving — the Department of Energy doesn’t yet have a confirmed secretary — but it appears to focus largely on permitting mining and refining projects with a focus on the defense industrial base.
The executive order “Unleashing American Energy” asks agencies to “identify all agency actions that impose undue burdens on the domestic mining and processing of non-fuel minerals and undertake steps to revise or rescind such actions.” Trump also asked the secretaries of the interior and energy to make “efforts to accelerate the ongoing, detailed geologic mapping of the United States,” and “ensure that critical mineral projects, including the processing of critical minerals, receive consideration for Federal support.”
Many of the minerals used for renewables and clean energy projects also have defense applications. The most obvious exampleare the suite of minerals found in batteries — lithium, cobalt, graphite — which are as key for powering electric vehicles as they are for building drones.
“If you’re going to make a Venn diagram of what critical minerals you need for sustainable energy technologies, battery technologies, solar cells, and electricity infrastructure, that circle of critical minerals sits inside of the circle of critical minerals that you need for defense purposes,” explained Catrina Rorke, the senior vice president for policy and research at the Climate Leadership Council.
But renewable energy applications can quickly outpace defense. According to the Breakthrough Institute’s Seaver Wang, “In many cases the business for these projects would be difficult to sustain on the defense applications alone unless DOD is throwing tons of money to make those projects too big to fail.”
The F-35 fighter jetuses around 900 pounds of rare earth elements, and the Pentagon is looking at maintaining a fleet of about 2,400. A single offshore wind turbine, meanwhile, can use up to thousands of pounds. To get a sense of how much rare earth metal even a modestly sized offshore wind operation requires, you’d have to look at something like a destroyer, which needs over 5,000 pounds of them.
Not all analysts see a strong tension between the Trump administration’s renewable energy policy and its critical minerals policy, however. Morgan Bazilian, director of the Payne Institute and a public policy professor at the Colorado School of Mines, told me that it was “simplistic” to say “you need supply and demand to meet somewhere.”
“There’s still going to be a need for copper whether or not the U.S. builds a lot of transmission lines,” Bazilian said. “There’s still going to be the need for light and heavy rare earths, and there’s a need for tellurium and nickel on global markets. The problem is not robust demand in the United States, which is one piece of the pie.”
No matter what these minerals are used for or where their ultimate destination is, the United States is desperately looking for any foothold in mining and processing in order to compete with China, which dominates many sectors of the industry.
“What we need to do now is to get some domestic mining and processing going,” Bazilian said. The U.S. “doesn’t have to be dominant or be the biggest producer of these things. We need to get on the map a little bit. We have precious little going on.”
Even if U.S. demand slows, “I don’t think it will stop,” Bazilian said. “I don’t see that in itself kneecapping anything.”
Regardless of the level of demand, it will need mines and processing facilities to meet it, which requires permitting and financing. What investors and companies looking to open mines and refining facilities need is not just assurance of demand over the long term, Rorke explained, but also the go-ahead to build.
“If you’re only focused on the demand side,” Rorke said, “you’re really investing in a long-term problem because you are not matching it with the supply that can come on to satisfy that demand over the long term.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct Datta’s affiliation and title.
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Did a battery plant disaster in California spark a PR crisis on the East Coast?
Battery fire fears are fomenting a storage backlash in New York City – and it risks turning into fresh PR hell for the industry.
Aggrieved neighbors, anti-BESS activists, and Republican politicians are galvanizing more opposition to battery storage in pockets of the five boroughs where development is actually happening, capturing rapt attention from other residents as well as members of the media. In Staten Island, a petition against a NineDot Energy battery project has received more than 1,300 signatures in a little over two months. Two weeks ago, advocates – backed by representatives of local politicians including Rep. Nicole Mallitokis – swarmed a public meeting on the project, getting a local community board to vote unanimously against the project.
According to Heatmap Pro’s proprietary modeling of local opinion around battery storage, there are likely twice as many strong opponents than strong supporters in the area:
Heatmap Pro
Yesterday, leaders in the Queens community of Hempstead enacted a year-long ban on BESS for at least a year after GOP Rep. Anthony D’Esposito, other local politicians, and a slew of aggrieved residents testified in favor of a moratorium. The day before, officials in the Long Island town of Southampton said at a public meeting they were ready to extend their battery storage ban until they enshrined a more restrictive development code – even as many energy companies testified against doing so, including NineDot and solar plus storage developer Key Capture Energy. Yonkers also recently extended its own battery moratorium.
This flurry of activity follows the Moss Landing battery plant fire in California, a rather exceptional event caused by tech that was extremely old and a battery chemistry that is no longer popular in the sector. But opponents of battery storage don’t care – they’re telling their friends to stop the community from becoming the next Moss Landing. The longer this goes on without a fulsome, strident response from the industry, the more communities may rally against them. Making matters even worse, as I explained in The Fight earlier this year, we’re seeing battery fire concerns impact solar projects too.
“This is a huge problem for solar. If [fires] start regularly happening, communities are going to say hey, you can’t put that there,” Derek Chase, CEO of battery fire smoke detection tech company OnSight Technologies, told me at Intersolar this week. “It’s going to be really detrimental.”
I’ve long worried New York City in particular may be a powder keg for the battery storage sector given its omnipresence as a popular media environment. If it happens in New York, the rest of the world learns about it.
I feel like the power of the New York media environment is not lost on Staten Island borough president Vito Fossella, a de facto leader of the anti-BESS movement in the boroughs. Last fall I interviewed Fossella, whose rhetorical strategy often leans on painting Staten Island as an overburdened community. (At least 13 battery storage projects have been in the works in Staten Island according to recent reporting. Fossella claims that is far more than any amount proposed elsewhere in the city.) He often points to battery blazes that happen elsewhere in the country, as well as fears about lithium-ion scooters that have caught fire. His goal is to enact very large setback distance requirements for battery storage, at a minimum.
“You can still put them throughout the city but you can’t put them next to people’s homes – what happens if one of these goes on fire next to a gas station,” he told me at the time, chalking the wider city government’s reluctance to capitulate on batteries to a “political problem.”
Well, I’m going to hold my breath for the real political problem in waiting – the inevitable backlash that happens when Mallitokis, D’Esposito, and others take this fight to Congress and the national stage. I bet that’s probably why American Clean Power just sent me a notice for a press briefing on battery safety next week …
And more of the week’s top conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Queen Anne’s County, Maryland – They really don’t want you to sign a solar lease out in the rural parts of this otherwise very pro-renewables state.
2. Logan County, Ohio – Staff for the Ohio Power Siting Board have recommended it reject Open Road Renewables’ Grange Solar agrivoltaics project.
3. Bandera County, Texas – On a slightly brighter note for solar, it appears that Pine Gate Renewables’ Rio Lago solar project might just be safe from county restrictions.
Here’s what else we’re watching…
In Illinois, Armoracia Solar is struggling to get necessary permits from Madison County.
In Kentucky, the mayor of Lexington is getting into a public spat with East Kentucky Power Cooperative over solar.
In Michigan, Livingston County is now backing the legal challenge to Michigan’s state permitting primacy law.
On the week’s top news around renewable energy policy.
1. IRA funding freeze update – Money is starting to get out the door, finally: the EPA unfroze most of its climate grant funding it had paused after Trump entered office.
2. Scalpel vs. sledgehammer – House Speaker Mike Johnson signaled Republicans in Congress may take a broader approach to repealing the Inflation Reduction Act than previously expected in tax talks.
3. Endangerment in danger – The EPA is reportedly urging the White House to back reversing its 2009 “endangerment” finding on air pollutants and climate change, a linchpin in the agency’s overall CO2 and climate regulatory scheme.