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Boy, are the politics of electric vehicles complicated.

Is there a better illustration of the tricky politics of the electric vehicle transition than the past 24 hours in Michigan?
The day before President Joe Biden visited a United Autoworkers picket line in the state, Ford, the auto company seen as closest to reaching a deal with the striking union, said it was halting work on the multi-billion-dollar battery plant that had become a flashpoint for Republican concerns that the EV transition was too intertwined with China.
That’s a lot. Let me back up for a second.
Auto companies have announced plans for battery plants all over the country, looking to get a piece of incentives offered by the Inflation Reduction Act. Many of these plants are being planned for states that are hostile to unions and where the UAW has been unable to make inroads. The Ford battery plant in Marshall, Michigan, however, was different.
When the plant was announced earlier this year, the UAW welcomed it, with then-union president Ray Curry saying “Ford got it right by building this plant right here in Michigan.” The plant’s employees would be able to form a union via “card check,” a simpler process than a union election overseen by the National Labor Relations Board.
Almost immediately after the plant was announced, Republicans in Congress criticized Ford and the Biden administration for the company’s relationship with the Chinese battery company CATL, whose technology Ford would use in the plant.
The tussle over the Marshall plant captures in one planned facility just how politically complicated the electric vehicle transition is.
The Biden administration wants to reduce carbon emissions by electrifying the country’s automotive sector. It also wants to make the supply chain in key industries like cars and semiconductors resilient to shocks like a pandemic or escalating conflict with China. It also wants to see good jobs in states like Michigan which were key to its narrow electoral college victory in 2020.
These goals are all in some tension with each other: China is by far the world’s leader in foundational renewable energy technologies like solar panels and batteries. But if American companies are to build factories in the U.S. to try to catch up, they would rather do so in states where unions have less power than they do in Michigan. That typically means states run by Republicans who have made a point of attracting investment, like Georgia or Tennessee. But that goes against the interests of the UAW, which has subsequently grown very nervous about electrification leaving its work force behind.
Some Republicans have seized on the UAW strikes, striving to portray the Inflation Reduction Act as a massive handout to China that threatens union jobs. The Marshall plant would solve at least one, maybe two of these problems for the Democrats, as it was set up in firm UAW territory, with the support of a Democratic governor. But thanks to Republican opposition to working with Chinese companies, it quickly became the most controversial new Ford project.
While Biden’s standing with the UAW has probably received a large boost from his appearance in Romulus and his explicit support for higher wages for UAW members, the question over the Marshall plant shows just how perilous the historic tie-up between the Democratic Party and unionized autoworkers is — for both sides.
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The state has terminated an agreement to develop substations and other necessary grid infrastructure to serve the now-canceled developments.
Crucial transmission for future offshore wind energy in New Jersey is scrapped for now.
The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities on Wednesday canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations necessary to send electricity generated by offshore wind across the state. The board terminated this agreement because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump, including the now-scrapped TotalEnergies projects scrubbed in a settlement with his administration.
“New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement.
Wind energy backers are not taking this lying down. “We cannot fault the Sherrill Administration for making this decision today, but this must only be a temporary setback,” Robert Freudenberg of the New Jersey and New York-focused environmental advocacy group Regional Plan Association, said in a statement released after the agreement was canceled.
I chronicled the fight over this specific transmission infrastructure before Trump 2.0 entered office and the White House went nuclear on offshore wind. Known as the Larrabee Pre-Built Infrastructure, the proposed BPU-backed network of lines and electrical equipment resulted from years of environmental and sociological study. It was intended to connect wind projects in the Atlantic Ocean to key points on the overall grid onshore.
Activists opposed to putting turbines in the ocean saw stopping the wires as a strategy for delaying the overall construction timelines for offshore wind, intensifying both the costs and permitting headaches for all state and development stakeholders involved. Some of those fighting the wires did so based on fears that electromagnetic radiation from the transmission lines would make them sick.
The only question mark remaining is whether this means the state will try to still proceed with building any of the transmission given rising electricity demand and if these plans may be revisited at a later date. The board’s letter to PJM nods to the future, asserting that new “alternative pathways to coordinated transmission” exist because of new guidance from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. These pathways “may serve” future offshore wind projects should they be pursued, stated the letter.
Of course, anything related to offshore wind will still be conditional on the White House.
The opinion covered a host of actions the administration has taken to slow or halt renewables development.
A federal court seems to have struck down a swath of Trump administration moves to paralyze solar and wind permits.
U.S. District Judge Denise Casper on Tuesday enjoined a raft of actions by the Trump administration that delayed federal renewable energy permits, granting a request submitted by regional trade groups. The plaintiffs argued that tactics employed by various executive branch agencies to stall permits violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Casper — an Obama appointee — agreed in a 73-page opinion, asserting that the APA challenge was likely to succeed on the merits.
The ruling is a potentially fatal blow to five key methods the Trump administration has used to stymie federal renewable energy permitting. It appears to strike down the Interior Department memo requiring sign-off from Interior Secretary Doug Burgum on all major approvals, as well as instructions that the Interior and the Army Corps of Engineers prioritize “energy dense” projects in ways likely to benefit fossil fuels. Also struck down: a ban on access to a Fish and Wildlife Service species database and an Interior legal opinion targeting offshore wind leases.
Casper found a litany of reasons the five actions may have violated the Administrative Procedures Act. For example, the memo mandating political reviews was “a significant departure from [Interior] precedent,” and therefore “required a ‘more detailed justification’ than that needed for merely implementing a new policy.” The “energy density” permitting rubric, meanwhile, “conflicts” with federal laws governing federal energy leases so it likely violated the APA, the judge wrote.
What’s next is anyone’s guess. Some cynical readers may wonder whether the Supreme Court will just lift the preliminary injunction at the administration’s request. It’s worth noting Casper had the High Court’s penchant for neutralizing preliminary injunctions in mind, writing in her opinion, “The Court concludes that the scope of this requested injunctive relief is appropriate and consistent with the Supreme Court’s limitations on nationwide injunctions.”
Fights over AI-related developments outnumber those over wind farms in the Heatmap Pro database.
Local data center conflicts in the U.S. now outnumber clashes over wind farms.
More than 270 data centers have faced opposition across the country compared to 258 onshore and offshore wind projects, according to a review of data collected by Heatmap Pro. Data center battles only recently overtook wind turbines, driven by the sudden spike in backlash to data center development over the past year. It’s indicative of how the intensity of the angst over big tech infrastructure is surging past current and historic malaise against wind.
Battles over solar projects have still occurred far more often than fights over data centers — nearly twice as many times, per the data. But in terms of megawatts, the sheer amount of data center demand that has been opposed nearly equals that of solar: more than 51 gigawatts.
Taken together, these numbers describe the tremendous power involved in the data center wars, which is now comparable to the entire national fight over renewable energy. One side of the brawl is demand, the other supply. If this trend continues at this pace, it’s possible the scale of tension over data centers could one day usurp what we’ve been tracking for both solar and wind combined.