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If you’re going to have a giant hole of water in your backyard, put it to good use.
In the grand ranking of Fun Things You Should Feel Bad About, swimming pools are up there with Oreos and road trips. After all, when the U.N. says two-thirds of the world could face water-stressed conditions by 2025, it tends to put a damper on the guilt-free enjoyment of the giant hole of clean water in your backyard.
A new study published Monday in the journal Nature Sustainability more or less confirmed that yes, swimming pool ownership is bad. Looking at water usage in Cape Town, South Africa, the researchers found that the richest residents, who make up 14% of the population, consume 51% of the city’s water by doing things like “garden watering, car washing, and filling swimming pools,” while the city’s poorest residents, who make up 62% of the population, consume just 27% of the water resources doing things like “maintaining basic hygiene” and “hydrating themselves.” As the researchers concluded, “Urban water crises can be triggered by the unsustainable consumption patterns of privileged social groups.”
One takeaway from this study, though, is that the problem isn’t so much the swimming pools — which have many positive benefits — but the fact that the pools are in the hands of “privileged social groups,” where they go heavily underutilized. Private pools are often only used by one family, the homeowner’s, and only for a few months a year, if that. To make the tremendous energy and water costs of swimming pools actually worth it, we need to get a lot more people into them.
America used to be covered in these sorts of community pools, some of which could fit a thousand swimmers or more. During the 1880s and early 1890s, municipal swimming pools were places “where Blacks, immigrants, and native-born white laborers swam together,” though people of mixed classes and sexes did not, author Jeff Wiltse writes in Contested Waters: A Social History of Swimming Pools in America. As Wiltse explains, “During the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, the difference between people with ‘black’ skin and those with ‘white’ skin was a less significant social distinction than class … That changed during the 1920s, when race emerged as the most salient and divisive social distinction.”
Municipal pools were frequently segregated after World War I, but they were also “extraordinarily popular" from the 1920s to the 1940s, with swimming as much a part of the average American’s life as going to the movies. Tens of millions of Americans visited community pools each year, with sometimes “hundreds and even thousands of people at a time” taking a dip. But after desegregation in the 1950s opened public pools to everyone, some bigoted communities “found a loophole,” The New York Times writes. They could also close the pools for everyone.
So-called “drained-pool politics,” the attitude that “if ‘they’ can also have it, then no one can … helps explain why America still doesn’t have a truly universal health care system, a child care system, [or] a decent social safety net,” the Times postulates. For our immediate purposes, it also explains the rise of private pools across the country: “After racial desegregation, millions of Americans chose to stop swimming at municipal pools and chose instead to organize and join private swim clubs,” Wiltse writes. Those discriminatory choices still reverberate today: There were fewer than 15,000 pools at private homes before 1952; now there are more than 10.4 million. By comparison, there are only about 300,000 municipal pools in the U.S. and many are closing because they’re too expensive to maintain.
But as the world continues to warm, community pools are becoming vital pieces of infrastructure again. We know that small bodies of manmade water can actually somewhat help to cool down urban areas; we also know that having access to water like beaches and pools saves lives when cooling centers are in short supply. They also offer an outlet for physical recreation when others become dangerous or deeply unpleasant due to high temperatures. Additionally, part of the original popularity of community pools had been as relief from the heat before air conditioning; from an energy-saving standpoint, it still makes sense today to turn off your a/c whenever possible and cool down in water instead.
Despite all the net good of public pools, there hasn’t been a lot of movement to actually build more: only 198 of 3,310 commercial pools built in the U.S. in 2020 went into parks, Bloomberg reports (most of the rest “went to hotels and multi-family developments”). And while we shouldn’t take our foot off the gas in advocating for more swimming facilities, particularly in lower-income areas, private pool owners can also do themselves, the planet, and the rest of us a solid — and share. Pool party, anyone?
Okay, so no, pool parties obviously won’t fix over a century of racially motivated infrastructure decisions. Nor are they very likely to fix the “atomized recreation and diminished public discourse” that Wiltse says resulted from “private-pool owners [fencing] themselves into their own backyards,” since said private-pool owners would presumably be inviting attendees from their own homogenous social groups.
But sometimes pool ownership happens to good people, and it is in those cases that wringing as much use out of a pool as possible — and in doing so, minimizing the per-person costs of maintenance, energy expenditure, and water usage — actually start to make sense. Gristfound that “the average pool uses about 20,000 gallons of water a year,” which is “a little less than a lawn” — lawns, of course, being another item up there on the Fun Things You Should Feel Bad About list. But if 50 people share one lawn, it starts to look a little less wasteful, particularly if that “lawn” also serves as a cornerstone of the community and local social life. (Introverted pool owners, meanwhile, can list theirs cheaply on Swimply, the “Airbnb for swimming pools,” so others can enjoy them when they’d otherwise be sitting empty).
Pool parties won’t save the world; to be honest, they won’t even entirely redeem private pools. But they could start to make swimming more broadly social again and nudge us back toward a culture where taking a dip with acquaintances, neighbors, and strangers is a value rather than a source of disgust and suspicion. It may be a drop in the bucket, but it’s one that’s worth it.
Just remember to invite me.
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It was a curious alliance from the start. On the one hand, Donald Trump, who made antipathy toward electric vehicles a core part of his meandering rants. On the other hand, Elon Musk, the man behind the world’s largest EV company, who nonetheless put all his weight, his millions of dollars, and the power of his social network behind the Trump campaign.
With Musk standing by his side on Election Day, Trump has once again secured the presidency. His reascendance sent shock waves through the automotive world, where companies that had been lurching toward electrification with varying levels of enthusiasm were left to wonder what happens now — and what benefits Tesla may reap from having hitched itself to the winning horse.
Certainly the federal government’s stated target of 50% of U.S. new car sales being electric by 2030 is toast, and many of the actions it took in pursuit of that goal are endangered. Although Trump has softened his rhetoric against EVs since becoming buddies with Musk, it’s hard to imagine a Trump administration with any kind of ambitious electrification goal.
During his first go-round as president, Trump attacked the state of California’s ability to set its own ambitious climate-focused rules for cars. No surprise there: Because of the size of the California car market, its regulations helped to drag the entire industry toward lower-emitting vehicles and, almost inevitably, EVs. If Trump changes course and doesn’t do the same thing this time, it’ll be because his new friend at Tesla supports those rules.
The biggest question hanging over electric vehicles, however, is the fate of the Biden administration’s signature achievements in climate and EV policy, particularly the Inflation Reduction Act’s $7,500 federal consumer tax credit for electric vehicles. A Trump administration looks poised to tear down whatever it can of its predecessor’s policy. Some analysts predict it’s unlikely the entire IRA will disappear, but concede Trump would try to kill off the incentives for electric vehicles however he can.
There’s no sugar-coating it: Without the federal incentives, the state of EVs looks somewhat bleak. Knocking $7,500 off the starting price is essential to negate the cost of manufacturing expensive lithium-ion batteries and making EVs cost-competitive with ordinary combustion cars. Consider a crucial model like the new Chevy Equinox EV: Counting the federal incentive, the most basic $35,000 model could come in under the starting price of a gasoline crossover like the Toyota RAV4. Without that benefit, buyers who want to go electric will have to pay a premium to do so — the thing that’s been holding back mass electrification all along.
Musk, during his honeymoon with Trump, boasted that Tesla doesn’t need the tax credits, as if daring the president-elect to kill off the incentives. On the one hand, this is obviously false. Visit Tesla’s website and you’ll see the simplest Model 3 listed for $29,990, but this is a mirage. Take away the $7,500 in incentives and $5,000 in claimed savings versus buying gasoline, and the car actually starts at about $43,000, much further out of reach for non-wealthy buyers.
What Musk really means is that his company doesn’t need the incentives nearly as bad as other automakers do. Ford is hemorrhaging billions of dollars as it struggles to make EVs profitably. GM’s big plan to go entirely electric depended heavily on federal support. As InsideEVsnotes, the likely outcome of a Trump offensive against EVs is that the legacy car brands, faced with an unpredictable electrification roadmap as America oscillates between presidents, scale back their plans and lean back into the easy profitably of big, gas-guzzling SUVs and trucks. Such an about-face could hand Tesla the kind of EV market dominance it enjoyed four or five years ago when it sold around 75% of all electric vehicles in America.
That’s tough news for the climate-conscious Americans who want an electric vehicle built by someone not named Elon Musk. Hundreds of thousands of people, myself included, bought a Tesla during the past five or six years because it was the most practical EV for their lifestyle, only to see the company’s figurehead shift his public persona from goofy troll to Trump acolyte. It’s not uncommon now, as Democrats distance themselves from Tesla, to see Model 3s adorned with bumper stickers like the “Anti-Elon Tesla Club,” as one on a car I followed last month proclaimed. Musk’s newest vehicle, the Cybertruck, is a rolling embodiment of the man’s brand, a vehicle purpose-built to repel anyone not part of his cult of personality.
In a world where this version of Tesla retakes control of the electric car market, it becomes harder to ditch gasoline without indirectly supporting Donald Trump, by either buying a Tesla or topping off at its Superchargers. Blue voters will have some options outside of Tesla — the industry has come too far to simply evaporate because of one election. But it’s also easy to see dispirited progressives throwing up their hands and buying another carbon-spewing Subaru.
Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.