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On another offshore wind kill, inverter bans, and NYC’s new power line

Current conditions: The wildfires in Spokane, Washington, have burned nearly 11,000 acres and destroyed close to 900 structures in the past week • Tropical Depression Maymay is veering away from the Philippines after battering northern Luzon with 45-mile-per-hour winds • Temperatures in Seoul are surpassing 103 degrees Fahrenheit today as South Korea’s heat wave caps off before dropping about 10 degrees over the weekend.

The Trump administration taketh away, and the Trump administration giveth. A month after President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act effectively eliminated a key incentive for solar developers to buy domestically-made panels, the White House has announced new tariffs on polysilicon and virtually every component in each step of the photovoltaic supply chain. The trade case originally came before the Department of Commerce when polysilicon makers complained that they couldn’t compete with Chinese manufacturers on semiconductor-grade material without also having a market for the solar-grade stuff. As my colleague Emily Pontecorvo and I reported last night, the administration will impose a 15% tariff on all imports and set baseline prices at which the levies would kick in for each part of the solar supply chain, ranging from $0.22 per watt for solar cells, the actual devices that convert sunlight into electricity, to $0.38 per watt for completed panels. Raw polysilicon, meanwhile, will start at $20 per kilogram. Tariffs have been tried before in the U.S. and Europe to keep out the onslaught of cheap Chinese products and protect domestic manufacturers in the name of national security, but those had only mixed success due to a lack of supply chain visibility. The Trump administration has vowed to try something novel, providing strict oversight over which companies qualify for offsets from the program to prevent Chinese manufacturers from gaming the market.
Still, just a small fraction of the nearly 300,000 Americans who work in the solar industry are in manufacturing. The Solar Energy Industries Association, the solar sector’s largest trade group and a longstanding advocate of importing cheap panels, said the tariffs would only worsen electricity inflation. “America has made terrific progress rebuilding its solar manufacturing base,” Tim Pawlenty, SEIA’s chief executive, said in a statement, “but imposing tariffs and prices floors on solar materials will create new challenges for American manufacturers and raise energy costs for families and businesses.”
Speaking of renewables the Trump administration taketh away: Yet another offshore wind developer has reached a deal with the White House to take a payment in exchange for abandoning a project. On Thursday, the German giant RWE entered into a settlement with the Department of the Interior for $1.2 billion to surrender federal leases for offshore wind projects in New York Bight and off the coasts of California and Louisiana. “After careful consideration, it was determined there is no path forward to permit these projects in the U.S. for the foreseeable future,” RWE said in a press release. “The company determined that this resolution best serves the interests of its stakeholders and allows it to direct resources toward energy projects that can be advanced with certainty.” Noting that this deal is the largest payout yet of any of the agreements the Trump administration has made to kill offshore wind projects, my colleague Robinson Meyer wrote that the price tag is “fittingly” high “because it is among the most damaging” yet. While RWE has pledged to invest in gas projects elsewhere, such as a liquified natural gas export terminal in Louisiana, RWE “well knows” that “these projects won’t help solve a coming energy shortage in New York or New England,” Rob wrote.
Dominion Energy has long dominated Virginia’s politics as the state’s utility giant and one-time political kingmaker. Now Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, a moderate Democrat who soared to victory last year promising to rein in runaway electricity prices, is getting involved in the utility megamerger that could see Dominion join forces with Florida-based NextEra Energy in what my colleague Matthew Zeitlin called a “juggernaut.” In an op-ed in The Washington Post, Spanberger said she had “serious questions about what this deal would mean” and vowed to intervene by formally submitting to become a party in the case to decide whether the deal, which would create a $420 billion behemoth, violates consumer-protection rules. “I know this action is unprecedented by a Virginia governor — but so, too, is the size of this proposed merger and its potential impact on the commonwealth,” Spanberger wrote. “Virginians deserve to know that their leaders are laser-focused on ensuring that their needs are part of” the review by the State Corporation Commission, the regulator that determines whether a utility deal harms ratepayers. The move comes as state regulators order Dominion to create a process for making data centers pay more of the direct costs for their electricity use, such as sponsoring construction of substations to meet new demand, E&E News reported.
On Capitol Hill, meanwhile, Democrats are eyeing new ways to crack down on data centers beyond backing the national moratorium progressive lawmakers proposed. Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon, the highest-ranking Democrat on the Senate’s tax-writing committee, pitched a new excise tax and the elimination of tax breaks for data center construction, NOTUS reported.
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By the end of next year, American factories will have enough capacity to produce all the solar inverters the country needs. The U.S. once imported 90% of its large-scale inverters, including more than 30% from Chinese-headquartered vendors. But domestic manufacturers are on track to open more than 100 gigawatts of inverter-making plants by December 2027, according to a new analysis from Wood Mackenzie. The consultancy cautioned that the devices, which patch panels onto the grid, will come at a high premium than today. As I reported last week, the Federal Communications Commission banned new types of foreign inverters on the grounds that they pose a threat to the U.S. grid and the artificial intelligence buildout. “The FCC’s intent here is clear. The US government determined that the U.S.’s reliance on foreign inverters poses a national security risk, citing both cybersecurity and economic concerns,” Joe Shangraw, research analyst at Wood Mackenzie, said in a statement. “Leading manufacturers are notifying clients that they believe their products will not fall under the scope of this ban, while project owners are concerned that their existing inverters could be blocked from receiving critical firmware updates.”
The Pentagon, meanwhile, is canceling plans to award a contract worth up to $300 million for lithium carbonate after twice delaying the deadline for bids, Inside Defense reported. The Defense Logistics Agency gave no explanation for rescinding the solicitation for a five-year, indefinite-delivery deal.
Last month, New York City’s newly minted clean energy megaproject, a 339-mile transmission line plugging the five boroughs into Quebec’s famously cheap and clean hydroelectric system, went down unexpectedly for maintenance. Just in time for the city’s temperature to go back up, Hydro Quebec’s Champlain Hudson Power Express line completed repairs two weeks ago and started delivering electricity at full capacity again on Thursday, the province’s state-owned utility told me. “We are seeing full capacity flows now on CHPE as we’ve entered a heatwave,” Pete Rose, Hydro Quebec’s senior director of stakeholder relations in New York, told me via text yesterday. “This large volume of clean energy helps suppress wholesale electricity prices while displacing large quantities of CO2.”
Like Germany itself, BMW’s Munich factory has, uh, seen a lot of changes since its opening in the early 1920s. At each step of the way, however, the vehicles coming off the assembly line ran on petroleum products. Not for long. The company’s oldest manufacturing facility will begin exclusively building electric vehicles starting next year. “This marks a huge turning point for the brand, as it phases out internal combustion models for its Neue Klasse EVs. It isn’t only a production milestone for the brand but a symbolic one,” reporter Nico DeMattia wrote for InsideEVs. “Munich is the site of BMW's HQ and its Bavarian home, and it's about to be fully electric.”
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Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.
Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.
After taking two seats in a special election last year, the party gained a third in the midterms.
Democrats claimed two seats on the Georgia Public Service Commission in a special election last year, ending almost 20 years of unanimous Republican control over the regulator.
One of those winning Democrats, Peter Hubbard, ran again this year for a full six-year term in a rematch against Republican Fitz Johnson. The other open seat this year saw Sheila Edwards running in an open race against Republican Josh Tolbert.
Both Hubbard and Edwads won, securing a 3–2 Democratic majority on the Public Service Commission.
“Over the last 12 months, Georgian consumers have made one thing clear: They are tired of rising utility bills and they are hungry to see change. Georgia’s sea change moment for energy policy has arrived,” Charles Hua, the executive director of the utility-focused advocacy group PowerLines, told me.
The Democrats have not been shy about what their priorities will be on the commission.
“Winning control of the Georgia Public Service Commission means prioritizing lowering power bills instead of constantly increasing corporate profits, ramping up the deployment of clean energy technologies, and focusing the people in our decision-making as state regulators,” Hubbard said in a statement on his website.
Edwards, for her part, made it clear where she stands on data centers specifically in an October debate with Tolbert. “They came into our communities,” Edwards said. “They didn’t pay any taxes. They are using our water, using our electricity, and they’re being a public nuisance to the communities that they’re coming into.”
Hubbard also talked about data centers on Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast back in June. “I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things — where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff — there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives,” he told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.”
The race has seen outsize spending and interest from major figures not accustomed to dealing in utility regulator races. (Just 10 states have elected utility commissions, period.) Kamala Harris appeared at a virtual fundraiser for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, as well as Democratic hopefuls to the Arizona Corporation Commission. The solar energy industry spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in support of the Democrats in Georgia. Meanwhile, anonymous donors pumped millions of dollars into Tolbert’s bid.
Democrats swept into the Georgia PSC last year on a wave of dissatisfaction with rising electricity prices, especially rate hikes attached to the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle Electric Generating Plant, which ran years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. In the runup to the election, the PSC approved a three-year base rate freeze proposed by Georgia Power in an attempt to head off public dissatisfaction.
In the past year, rates in Georgia have gone up by less than 1% across the state on average, according to the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub, while rates are up over 18% in the last three years and over 6% in the past two years.
Shares in Southern Company, the parent company of Georgia Power, were down slightly more than 0.5% in after-hours trading Tuesday night.